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Between Gov Adeleke And Speaker Owoeye: Who Is A Better Statesman

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Osun Governor, Speaker In A Closed Door Meeting Timothy Owoeye

By Ismail Omipidan

 

Politics, the world over is about interest. This is why once politics is over, those voted in, especially governors and Presidents face governance until it is time for another round of politics.

In Osun, the governorship election was held on July 16, 2022 and results declared the next day. But the All Progressives Congress, APC, and its candidate in that election, Adegboyega Oyetola, believed something abnormal happened with the votes count. They did not resort to self-help or electoral violence. They instead approached the Election Tribunal in line with the best practices across the globe to seek redress. What is undemocratic about that?

The petitioners, based on their watertight case and documentary evidence before the tribunal, believe strongly, and rightly so, that they will come out victorious in the court. What is undemocratic about being optimistic? It is like an intelligent and brilliant student who sat for WAEC at the time it was so-named. The student, having been cock sure of what the performance was during the examination, decides to make predictions about the possible outcome based on the deliverables. Is that a crime? Only a dullard, who has not written anything down during such examination will grow goosebumps each time the brilliant one makes a boast about the brilliant performance put up during the examination and based on which the student claims success.

For me, this is the scenario that played out yesterday during the inauguration of the Osun Tinubu/Shettima Presidential Campaign Council. It was a political gathering. Not a state affair. Speaker Timothy Owoeye is a member of the APC. He faces a re-election in March this year. He only reminded the people that in 2019, the Supreme Court decision affirming the election of Oyetola came in July, 5th to be precise. But this time, owing to the new Electoral Act that emphasises timely dispensation of petitions, the process from the Tribunal up to the Supreme Court may not take that long this time. And that in the end, his party, sponsoring him for another election in about two months time will be victorious. What is undemocratic about that?

If the Speaker was not a statesman, he would not go to Ede, which is neither the Government House nor Governor’s Office shortly after Governor Adeleke was sworn in, to see him. If the Speaker was not a statesman, he would have been boycotting major government functions, including being acerbic in his public communication with the Executive arm of government led by Governor Ademola since they are not of the same party. In fact, by now, he would have set up a committee to dig deeper into how a NECO SSCE certificate was obtained in Osun State at a time the state had not been created. Or isn’t that an impeachable offence?

Therefore, if we go by the happenings of the last 40 days or so of the Ademola-led uninspiring administration, I will say without any fear of contradiction that Speaker Owoeye has so far behaved like a statesman with regards to his official conduct. We must, therefore, separate his political activities from his official conduct. Before attending the Thursday political event, he was at a state event, where he discharged his official duties as the number three citizen. But at the political event, he spoke as a political leader and one of the Assistant Directors of the Tinubu/Shettima Presidential Campaign Council.

Now, let’s look at Governor Ademola Adeleke since he came in. He claims since the election was over, he is a governor for all. But nothing so far demonstrates that he is indeed a governor for all.

Go and take a critical look at his official conduct and his press releases, including the ones signed on his behalf by his spokesperson, Mallam Olawale Rasheed, they are anything but statesmanly.

So, it doesn’t appear I am doing a review of the government activities so far, I will only provide two instances. One, on December 21, 2022, it announced the setting up of a Rice Distribution Committee, which it called a non-partisan committee. Yet, it included a member of the defunct The Osun Progressives (TOP) in the committee, even when those who nurtured the group had announced its dissolution two weeks earlier before the committee was formed. Is that how a statesman behaves? Is that part of deepening the country’s democratic credentials? Isn’t that a major trait from Trump’s school of political culture?

Again, in the release announcing the composition of the Committee, see what the governor said “His Excellency affirms that this administration is not a thieving government like that of his predecessor and he remains committed to cushioning the effect of the hard time on all sections of Osun society.” Is this how statesmen talk and behave? Has any court of competent jurisdiction made such a pronouncement? Ironically, even though they claim they expended millions to purchase the purported rice, in the words of a Public Affairs Commentator, Dr. Dayo Sobowale, no one saw them. I concur.

With their shouts of “transparent and open governance”, they should have availed the public of the necessary details of the truck loads of rice. The erudite scholar went further to say that: “Try and go to town as a neutral person, start discussion about this Govt inside Korope (Commercial Bus) and at Beer parlours, you’ll realise nobody is interested in all your vindictiveness, nobody except your members and all you get from there is deceit.

“Did you know when you guys were in opposition, you gave us videos of your rice distribution. Till date, there’s no single picture of your rice purchase talk less of distribution? You’ll defend it, bring the video here.”

They claimed after paying the November salary, the Treasury was empty. But in the November salary, which was signed off by Oyetola before he left office, it included salaries of political aides and 1,500 teachers. As I speak, these categories of persons have not received their November salary. Yet, the same government has the temerity to call one government a thieving one.

Two, only yesterday, a release personally signed by the governor to felicitate a member of his party, Hon. Lere Oyewumi, who openly asked members of his own party, the PDP, to take up arms against the APC members in the build up to the July 16 governorship election, noted that: “The Governor lauded Dr. Oyewumi for remaining true to his avowed commitment to a better Osun state in the face of obvious frustration from oppressed (oppression) forces, adding that his (Dr Oyewumi) role in the dislodgement of the ruinous APC in Osun state is worthy of celebration.” Is that how statesmen talk? This same Oyewumi is the party’s senatorial candidate for Osun West in the February election.

In conclusion, if we go by the popular axiom: “He who comes into equity must come with clean hands,” I doubt if the current PDP administration in Osun has any locus to accuse Speaker Owoeye of not acting like a statesman.

Opinion/Feature

Nigeria Can’t Achieve Electoral Reforms Without Effective Democracy Communication

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NASS shuts down main entrance gate for reconstruction work

By Audu Liberty Oseni, PhD

Conversations around Nigeria’s electoral reform focus mainly on electoral laws, institutions, technology, and the credibility of elections. While these are central and fundamental, a deeper dimension that must be at the centre of the conversation has emerged in my research.

My study, “Democracy Communication and Citizens’ Perceptions of Political Trust and Democratic Legitimacy in Nigeria,” examined how democracy communication shapes citizens’ perceptions of political trust and democratic legitimacy.

Relying on qualitative data collected through Focus Group Discussions and Key Informant Interviews across 12 Local Government Areas in Abuja and Lagos, the study showed that democracy communication plays a central role in how citizens understand and engage with democracy. Citizens engage with the core principles of democracy, including free, fair and credible elections, rule of law, separation of powers, participatory decision-making, accountability, as well as fair and equitable representation, through communication.

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The study further revealed that citizens who show a stronger preference for participatory democracy communication are those who have experienced dialogue-based engagement.

This is because participation, inclusion, collective decision-making and accountability are not external to communities. They are rooted in people’s socio-cultural systems of indigenous knowledge used for social interaction and collective decision-making.

Citizens showed an understanding of what strengthens and erodes trust in democratic institutions in all 12 Local Government Areas studied. Their dealing with democracy was conditional. They would be more willing to engage and support democracy and democratic institutions when accountability, participation and responsiveness are present, whereas they disengage when distrust rises and dominates.

These findings reveal central and fundamental issues. Citizens actively evaluate, negotiate and respond to how democracy is communicated and practiced; they are not mere passive recipients of democracy. Despite this, a significant mismatch between institutional communication and citizens’ preferences exists. The reliance of government and political institutions on top-down communication is a dominant practice.

A preference for communication that allows citizens to ask questions, deliberate, negotiate, contribute, and influence decisions was strongly expressed. Democratic communication is seen as more credible and legitimate, especially when facilitated through trusted local community structures.

This has profound implications for electoral reforms. Nigeria cannot achieve electoral reforms while communicating with citizens as though they are merely an audience. Electoral reforms are not only about changing laws or introducing technology. The citizens must understand the reforms, participate in the conversations, question them, have opportunities to influence implementation, and must be able to hold institutions accountable.

This is why this study argues that electoral reforms are largely ‘a communication process’. Electoral credibility and service delivery are not the only factors that determine citizens’ support for democracy. Communication processes that create opportunities for dialogue, negotiation, and meaningful participation in governance shape citizens’ support for democracy.

The understanding of democracy should not be based on its assessment as a system of institutions and procedures; it is also an ongoing communicative relationship between the state and her citizens.

Nigeria must reposition democracy communication from a peripheral activity to a central pillar of her democratic practice and electoral reform. Political actors, electoral institutions and policymakers must champion the institutionalization of participatory democracy. These communication processes enable citizens to engage, deliberate, negotiate and co-create solutions to governance challenges.

If we Nigerians want electoral reforms that citizens trust, understand and own, we must embrace communication. A means by which we stop communicating to citizens and start communicating with them. We cannot achieve electoral reforms without effective “Democracy Communication”.

Oseni, Director, Centre for Development Communication (CDC), sent this via email – [email protected]

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Opinion/Feature

Unlocking NPFL’s Market Value, Potential (1)

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By Andrew Ekejiuba
The Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL) possesses all the ingredients required to become one of Africa’s most valuable domestic football competitions.

With a population exceeding 230 million people, an enormous football-loving fan base, fierce regional rivalries, an abundance of talented players, and a rapidly expanding digital audience, Nigeria has a foundation that many leagues across the continent can only aspire to.

Yet, despite these enormous advantages, the commercial value of the country’s elite league remains far below its true potential.

Unlocking this value requires a fundamental shift in how NPFL clubs are managed. Clubs must stop operating merely as football teams and begin functioning as professional sports businesses. Unfortunately, many NPFL clubs continue to run as extensions of government ministries rather than commercially driven organizations. This governance model has significantly hindered both the growth of the clubs and the development of the league itself.

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Every NPFL club should have a Board with competent professionals overseeing strategic decisions and policies. Equally important is the appointment of qualified Chief Executive Officers, Commercial Directors, Marketing Managers, Digital Media Teams, Fan Engagement Officers, and Business Development Executives.

All these are necessary because sustainable football success is built on strong institutions, not merely on performances on the pitch.

It has been revealed that most government-owned NPFL clubs rely almost entirely on state government funding despite the potential to generate incremental revenues annually. This dependency creates numerous challenges, including unstable financing, political interference, weak accountability, and little motivation to generate independent revenue. Such a structure inevitably limits innovation and commercial growth.

To become financially sustainable, clubs must progressively diversify their revenue streams through sponsorships, merchandising, hospitality services, membership programmes, ticket sales, academy transfers, digital subscriptions, media content, and other commercial initiatives. All these can be achieved through verifiable metrics and analytics that are attractive to various local and international partners. Government ownership, where it exists, should target direct intervention in key strategic areas and create a conducive environment that will facilitate the accelerated growth and development of the Clubs.

Another significant opportunity lies in building stronger club brands.

Although many NPFL clubs boast rich histories and passionate supporters, their brand identities remain underdeveloped. Every club should possess a clearly recognizable identity defined by its colours, logo, slogan, traditions, legends, and deep community roots.

Successful football clubs across the world sell identity before they sell football. Supporters do not merely buy tickets—they buy belongings. Consequently, every NPFL club should invest in a consistent visual identity, professionally managed websites, vibrant social media platforms, documentaries, podcasts, player profiles, and well-preserved historical archives. Football fans connect with stories just as much as they celebrate trophies.

Equally important is improving the matchday experience. Many NPFL venues still struggle with poor seating arrangements, inadequate parking facilities, poor sanitation, limited food and beverage options, weak security, and insufficient entertainment before and after matches. A football match should be an event that supporters eagerly anticipate, not simply ninety minutes of action. Creating enjoyable and memorable matchday experiences will strengthen emotional attachment between clubs and their supporters while increasing attendance and spending.

Digital media also presents one of the greatest opportunities for unlocking the league’s commercial value. Today’s football audience increasingly consumes content on mobile phones and digital platforms long before watching matches on television. Consequently, clubs must invest heavily in digital content creation.

Media departments should consistently produce engaging content, including training sessions, behind-the-scenes footage, player interviews, tactical analysis, academy updates, fan competitions, historical features, documentaries, and interactive social media campaigns. Around the world, digital engagement has become a significant source of commercial revenue through advertising, sponsorships, subscriptions, and fan monetization. The NPFL cannot afford to be left behind.
Another area requiring strategic attention is player development and transfers. Evidence from several emerging football leagues shows that player trading can become a major source of sustainable income when properly managed. Nigeria continues to produce exceptional football talent, yet too many players leave for relatively insignificant transfer fees.

NPFL clubs should strengthen their youth academies, offer longer-term contracts to promising players, improve scouting networks, negotiate favourable sell-on clauses, secure development compensation rights, and create attractive welfare packages to retain outstanding talent for longer periods. European clubs such as Red Bull Salzburg and Genk have built highly successful business models around player development and strategic transfers, an approach worthy of emulation.

In addition, club licensing regulations should enforce the requirement for every NPFL club to own and operate a functional youth academy that consistently feeds the first team. Such academies reduce recruitment costs, reinforce club identity, generate future transfer income, and strengthen community engagement. Beyond football, these academies should prioritize education, nutrition, sports science, psychology, and life-skills training to ensure the holistic development of young athletes.

Finally, clubs must begin to view their stadiums as commercial assets capable of generating revenue year-round, not merely on matchdays. Properly managed stadiums can host concerts, conferences, exhibitions, restaurants, museums, gyms, club shops, guided tours, and corporate events while also generating income through naming rights and other commercial partnerships.

In part two of this series, attention will shift to other critical drivers of football economics, including improved officiating standards, broadcasting rights, sponsorship development, data analytics, fan engagement strategies, and governance reforms.

Ultimately, the NPFL’s greatest untapped asset is not merely the quality of football played on the pitch. A vast domestic market, an intensely passionate football culture, a large diaspora community, and an endless pipeline of talented players provide a foundation that very few African leagues can match. If these assets are strategically harnessed, the NPFL can emerge as one of the continent’s most commercially successful and globally respected football leagues.

Ekejiuba of GTI, writes from Lagos Island

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Opinion/Feature

AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development

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By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.

So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.

For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.

Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.

Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.

As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.

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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.

Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.

But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.

The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.

Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.

Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.

The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.

If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.

The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.

But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.

I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.

The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.

Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.

But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.

So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.

The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.

The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.

Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.

AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.

Ilori is an energy analyst

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