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Russia and Israel are Bigger than UN

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By Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko

 

“In its majestic equality, the law forbids rich and poor alike to sleep under bridges, beg in the streets and steal loaves of bread.” Anatole France

“The Constitution is colorblind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens.”John Marshall Harlan

“We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men and women are created equal”.Elizabeth Cady Stanton

Today, the international news networks are reporting the bombing to death of four journalists from a hospital environment in Gaza City, which is under an intensive military blockades by Israeli military. Five journalists were earliest killed by Israel in Gaza.

The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) have been on special assignments inside the Palestinian Homeland of Gaza- a place with a population of over 2 million Palestinians.

The military activities by the state of Israel were precipitated by the vexatious invasion of Israel by Hamas militants who killed over 200 Israeli civilians and children around October 7, 2023.

Since after that despicable terror attack by the Palestinian Sunni Islamists known as Hamas (a US designated Foreign terrorist organisation also known as FTO), Israel began the military actions in Palestinian Homeland of Gaza, even as West Bank occupied partly by Israel has seen some flashes of military strikes.

A classified Israeli military database sighted reportedly by Aljazeera tv network, shows the vast majority of Palestinians killed in Gaza are civilians, according to a joint investigation by The Guardian, +972 Magazine, and Local Call.

Figures reviewed by the outlets revealed on Thursday indicate that, as of May 2025 – 19 months into Israel’s war on Gaza – Israeli military intelligence had listed 8,900 fighters from Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) as confirmed or “probably” dead.

Over the same period, Gaza’s health authorities recorded at least 53,000 deaths from Israeli attacks, meaning that named fighters accounted for just 17 percent of those killed, with civilians at about 83 percent of the total death toll.

Conflict researchers say that ratio is almost unparalleled in modern warfare. Only the Rwandan genocide, the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, and Russia’s 2022 siege of Mariupol recorded a higher civilian death rate, the authors noted. source: Aljazeera, date: 21 Aug 2025.

Conversely, Russia invaded Ukraine around February 2014 and since then, thousands of Ukrainian civilians have been killed in several bombardments. The sheer barbarism of what Russia is doing inside of Ukraine is unprecedented.

So, looking at how Russia and Israel are attacking the weaker countries of Ukraine and Gaza of Palestinians, and then the United Nations (UN) would hold meetings including security council meetings and issue declarations and Resolutions that are non-binding, and also since Russia as a veto power holding member of the UN Security Council, then Israel backed by USA another veto power wielding member of the unequal Security Council of the UN, neither Russia nor Israel may ever have to worry about any threats of military actions by the UN against each of their territories for violating the international law.

Besides, the application of international law is unequal and opaque, just as the relevant international treaties did not make it explicit that stronger Nuclear powerful nations are prohibited from attacking weaker nations or seek to annex those territories, just as Russia and Israel are currently doing in Ukraine and Palestinian Homeland.

A reliable source: theforge.defence.gov.au 30/08/2023, informed us much profoundly on why I said the two Nuclear powers of Russia and Israel are way bigger than the United Nations, made up of over 100 other nations.

The source said the Kellogg-Briand Pact was the first attempt to outlaw war (although the League of Nations required states to submit disputes to arbitration, it did not attempt to outlaw war as such). The parties to the 1928 General Treaty for Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy ‘condemn[ed] recourse to war’ and agreed to ‘renounce it, as an instrument of national policy in their relations with one another’. The goal during that period was to reverse the legal presumption in favour of belligerence.

In the aftermath of the Second World War (1945), the United Nations Charter came into being, spurred by that war’s many atrocities and the epic number of civilian and military deaths. The principles from the Kellogg-Briand Pact were incorporated into the more robust UN system. The rules regarding the use of force by states contained in the Charter may be challenged from time to time, but are clear: ‘[N]o one really contests that the use of force is strictly forbidden in contemporary international law.

This prohibition is recognized as a core rule of the law of nations.’ There are, of course, some ambiguities at the margins and this keeps legal scholars and foreign ministry legal advisors occupied. As a general matter, the International Court of Justice has rejected any ‘innovative’ interpretations of the law. Cyber is an evolving area, but that is more a question of determining how the law applies to novel situations, and not real confusion as to the content of the law itself.

Contemporary international law prohibits resort to force to threaten or attack other countries (UN Charter, Article 2, para. 4: ‘All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.’).

The prohibition on the use of force is itself a reflection of the primacy of the two primary incidents of statehood: state sovereignty and the territorial integrity. So long as a national government has effective control over its land and sea territory, it has the legal protection of the Charter against other states trying to dislodge it by force. This goes into the related question of international recognition of states and governments and the definition of a state’s maritime borders, perhaps topics for another time.

The prohibition on the use of force includes a prohibition on one state assisting another state in a breach of the prohibition on the use of force, to include a prohibition on letting the aggressor use the assisting state’s territory to attack a third country (looking at you, Belarus).

Well, Russia and Israel do not believe that they are subjected to the dictates of the aforementioned aspects of international treaties.

The following are just very few records of casualties of Ukrainian and Palestinian civilians killed in the two unjust wars waged by Russian soldiers and Israel Defense Forces.

October 13, 2023, Source: Reuters

(Reuters) – A Reuters video journalist was killed and six other journalists injured in southern Lebanon on Friday when missiles fired from the direction of Israel struck them, according to a Reuters videographer who was at the scene.

The group of journalists, including from Aljazeera and Agence France-Presse, were working near Alma al-Shaab, close to the Israel border, where the Israeli military and Lebanese militia Hezbollah have been trading fire in border clashes.

Lebanese Prime Minister Najib Mikati and a Hezbollah lawmaker blamed the incident on Israel.

Reuters said in a statement that Issam Abdallah had been killed while providing a live video signal for broadcasters. The camera was pointed at a hillside when a loud explosion shook the camera, filling the air with smoke, and screams were heard.

January 7, 2024. Source: Aljazeera

The Israeli military has seemingly walked back its justification for targeting a vehicle in Gaza last week, killing two Al Jazeera journalists, United States broadcaster NBC reported.

Hamza Dahdouh, the eldest son of Al Jazeera’s Gaza bureau chief Wael Dahdouh, was killed in an Israeli missile strike on Sunday in Khan Younis, southern Gaza. Journalist Mustafa Thuraya was also killed in the attack, while a third passenger, journalist Hazem Rajab, was seriously injured.

At the time of the attack, the Israeli army said it was targeting a “terrorist” in the vehicle.

May 17, 2025, Source: palestinechronicle

Five Palestinian journalists were killed on Sunday in separate Israeli airstrikes across the Gaza Strip, raising the number of journalists killed since October 7 to more than 222, according to local sources.

Aljazeera reported that Israeli warplanes targeted and killed journalists Aziz al-Hajjar, Abdel Rahman al-Abdallah, Nour Qandil, and her husband, Khaled Abu Seif. Their family members were also killed in the strikes.

Photojournalist Aziz al-Hajjar was killed along with his wife and children when an Israeli airstrike hit their home in the Saftawi neighbourhood in northern Gaza.

20 MAY 2025, Source: theguardian

At least 91 Palestinians have been killed and many more injured in a third day of Israeli strikes across Gaza, according to medical officials in the strip, who said a high proportion of the dead were women and children.

The timing of the strikes in the new Israeli offensive appears to have increased the proportion of women and children among the victims, with many sleeping when the missiles struck overnight or very early in the morning. Among those pulled alive from rubble on Thursday was a month-old baby girl, but her parents and brother were killed.

A first wave of airstrikes on Tuesday shattered a two-month pause in hostilities and killed more than 400, according to the health ministry in Gaza, in what may have been the single bloodiest day of the 18-month conflict. The dead included 183 children and 94 women, Palestinian officials said.

4th April, 2025, Source: hrw.org

(Jerusalem, April 4, 2024) – An Israeli airstrike on a six-story apartment building sheltering hundreds of people in central Gaza on October 31, 2023, is an apparent war crime, Human Rights Watch said today. The attack, which killed at least 106 civilians, including 54 children, is among the deadliest single incidents for civilians since the Israeli government’s bombardment and ground incursion into Gaza following the Hamas-led attacks on Israel on October 7.

Human Rights Watch found no evidence of a military target in the vicinity of the building at the time of the Israeli attack, making the strike unlawfully indiscriminate under the laws of war. Israeli authorities have provided no justification for the attack. The Israeli military’s long track record of failing to credibly investigate alleged war crimes underscores the importance of the International Criminal Court (ICC)’s inquiry into serious crimes committed by all parties to the conflict.

“Israel’s unlawful airstrike on an apartment building on October 31 killed at least 106 people, including children playing football, residents charging phones in the ground-floor grocery store, and displaced families seeking safety,” said Gerry Simpson, associate crisis and conflict director at Human Rights Watch. “This strike inflicted massive civilian casualties without an apparent military target – one of scores of attacks causing overwhelming carnage, and highlighting the urgency of the ICC probe.”

Russian Killing, Source: Wikipedia

According to local authorities, 458 bodies have been recovered from the town, including nine children under the age of 18.

Among the victims, 419 people were killed with weapons and 39 appeared to have died of natural causes, possibly related to the occupation. A memorial wall was installed in Bucha with 501 names of killed residents.

The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights documented the unlawful killings, including summary executions, of at least 73 civilians in Bucha. Photos showed corpses of civilians, lined up with their hands bound behind their backs, shot at close range. An inquiry by Radio Free Europe reported the use of a basement beneath a campground as a torture chamber. Many bodies were found mutilated and burnt, and girls as young as fourteen reported being raped by Russian soldiers.

Source: Reuters, Date: February 8, 2024

Geneva, Feb 8 (Reuters) – At least 8,000 people were killed by fighting or war-related causes in Russia’s months-long conquest of Mariupol, one of the biggest battles of the nearly two-year war between Russia and Ukraine, according to Human Rights Watch.

Mariupol became a byword for horror during a nearly three-month-long Russian siege for control of the strategic port city between March and May 2022, with trapped civilians forced to bury their dead by the roadside.

The Human Rights Watch assessment, based on satellite and other images of grave sites, is one of the only independent estimates of the death toll so far.

Ukraine has said tens of thousands were killed but that it cannot give an exact number without access to the city, now under Russian control.

Source: hrw.org, Date: July 8, 2024

(Kyiv) – Russian forces’ strikes on multiple cities in Ukraine on July 8, 2024, killed at least 42 civilians, including five children, and injured at least 190, according to Ukrainian authorities. The attacks also caused significant damage to vital infrastructure, including the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv, the country’s largest children’s hospital.

The hospital’s director told the UN Security Council that the strike severely damaged several departments, including the intensive care units and oncology and surgical wings, and completely destroyed the toxicology and traumatology departments. The director also said that hundreds of children, including those undergoing dialysis treatment, were evacuated immediately after air raid sirens went off at 9:52 am.

When the first strike hit, less than an hour after the sirens went off, patients and staff were still in the hospital, including three patients undergoing heart surgery. Ten children were injured in the attack. On July 10, the Ukrainian health minister reported that a child who had been evacuated from Okhmatdyt’s intensive care unit in a critical condition had died in another hospital.

ALSO READ: Road Safety: Dangote Cement Screens 1,500 Drivers

So, what then is the essence of the members if humanity congregating under the auspices of the UN when just 5 members wielding Veto powers can constantly stop the UN from taking military steps to protect the weak and vulnerable members that have no Nuclear weapons? Your guess is as good as mine that the UN is a dysfunctional contraption set up to protect the Powerful nations.

Onwubiko, the founder of the Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) wrote from Abuja Nigeria.

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Opinion/Feature

AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development

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By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.

So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.

For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.

Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.

Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.

As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.

ALSO READ: Diezani Claims Being Scapegoated over Subsidy at London Court

But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.

Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.

But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.

The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.

Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.

Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.

The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.

If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.

The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.

But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.

I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.

The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.

Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.

But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.

So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.

The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.

The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.

Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.

AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.

Ilori is an energy analyst

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Opinion/Feature

Inside Ojulari’s One-year Drive to Reengineer NNPC

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In today’s high-stakes corporate and public sector leadership, performance is no longer judged by promises but by proof. Results must be tracked, decisions interrogated, and progress clearly demonstrated.

One year after Bayo Ojulari assumed office as Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC Limited, the moment calls for a clear-eyed assessment of his leadership, what has changed, what has worked and what lies ahead.

Ojulari did not arrive at a moment of calm. His appointment on April 2, 2025, came against the backdrop of mounting public skepticism and internal contradictions. The state of Nigeria’s refineries, particularly those in Port Harcourt and Warri, had become a lightning rod for debate.

Officially, they had been recommissioned after years of costly rehabilitation. Unofficially, many doubted whether those facilities were genuinely functional.

The gap between declaration and reality had become too wide to ignore, feeding a broader crisis of credibility around the national oil company. It was into this uncertainty that Ojulari stepped, confronted with a choice that often defines leadership: preserve appearances or pursue the truth.

He chose the latter, and in doing so, reset the tone of governance at NNPC. Rather than defend inherited claims, he immersed himself in the mechanics of the system, reviewing technical reports, engaging operational teams, and interrogating data. What followed was a decision as simple as it was profound: shut down the refineries. It was not the kind of move that courts applause in the short term. It disrupted narratives, unsettled expectations, and exposed uncomfortable realities. But it also sent a clear message that the era of managed optics was over. If the refineries were to work, they would work properly; if they were not, they would not be dressed up to appear otherwise. In that moment, Ojulari signaled that under his watch, transparency would not be a slogan but a practice.

That signal quickly found expression in institutional behaviour. One of his earliest moves was to restore the publication of NNPC’s monthly financial and operations reports, a transparency mechanism that had fallen into inconsistency. With their return came a renewed ability for stakeholders to track the company’s performance, production volumes, revenues, operational efficiencies, without relying on speculation. The culture of disclosure deepened further in November 2025, when NNPC Limited held its first-ever earnings call following the release of its audited 2024 financial statements. The announcement of a N5.4 trillion profit after tax captured headlines, but beyond the numbers lay a more consequential shift: the company was beginning to speak the language of accountability expected of global energy players.

Still, leadership is not measured by transparency alone. It must be weighed against clearly defined objectives, and in Ojulari’s case, those objectives were set by Bola Ahmed Tinubu with unmistakable clarity. The mandate was ambitious, raise crude oil production to two million barrels per day by 2027, scale gas output to eight billion cubic feet per day within the same timeframe, expand refining capacity, and attract tens of billions of dollars in fresh investment. It was a tall order by any standard, particularly in a sector long burdened by structural inefficiencies and external pressures.

ALSO READ: NNPC Ltd’s February Revenue Rises 4.2% to N2.68tn, Profit Slumps by 64.7%

One year on, the evidence suggests that while the journey is far from complete, the direction has shifted. In upstream operations, Ojulari has overseen a notable increase in production through NNPC Exploration & Production Ltd. Output climbed from a daily average of 203,000 barrels in 2023 to 312,000 barrels by December 2025, with peaks reaching 355,000 barrels, the highest level recorded in decades. National production has also edged upward, moving from roughly 1.5 million barrels per day to about 1.62 million. To the uninitiated, the increment may appear modest, but within the context of Nigeria’s oil sector, where theft, vandalism, and operational disruptions have long suppressed output, it represents meaningful progress. Each additional barrel reflects not just production capacity but improved system integrity.

If oil production tells a story of recovery, gas tells one of momentum. Developments within the NNPC/Renaissance joint venture have positioned gas as a central pillar of growth, with output already hitting 2.2 billion cubic feet per day. The optimism surrounding this trajectory is not speculative. As Tony Attah of Renaissance Africa Energy Company noted, the venture has surpassed its immediate targets and is already recalibrating towards higher benchmarks. This growth is being reinforced by critical infrastructure projects.

The River Niger crossing of the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline has brought long-awaited clarity to a project that had lingered in uncertainty, while the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben pipeline is nearing completion. Together, they represent more than engineering milestones, they are the arteries through which Nigeria’s gas ambitions can flow into industrial reality.

Yet, it is in refining that Ojulari’s leadership has been most paradoxical. On paper, little progress has been made toward expanding capacity. In practice, however, his decision to shut down the refineries may prove to be one of the most consequential moves of his tenure. By refusing to perpetuate underperformance, he has created space for a more credible and sustainable approach to refining. It is a strategy that sacrifices immediacy for integrity, choosing to rebuild rather than patch.

Investment, meanwhile, has emerged as a strong pillar of his first year. The groundwork laid for the Bonga Southwest Aparo deepwater project stands out as a defining achievement. By securing presidential approval for fiscal incentives, Ojulari has effectively unlocked the pathway for a potential $20 billion investment. In a global energy landscape where capital is increasingly selective, such positioning matters. It signals to investors that Nigeria is willing to align policy with opportunity, reducing uncertainty and enhancing competitiveness.

Internally, the financial pulse of the company has also strengthened. Within a year, NNPC Limited has reportedly remitted N14.706 trillion in statutory contributions to the federal government and related agencies. This figure is not merely a reflection of earnings; it speaks to improved discipline in revenue management and a renewed commitment to fulfilling the company’s fiscal responsibilities.

Early in his tenure, Ojulari acknowledged the weight of expectations placed upon him. The targets, he admitted, were tough. One year later, that admission reads less like caution and more like context. Out of the core mandates before him, he has made substantial progress on most, while deliberately slowing down on refining to reset the foundation. It is a record that suggests not perfection, but purpose.

As he steps into his second year, the questions will grow sharper. Progress must be sustained, gains must be scaled, and early decisions must translate into lasting transformation. But if the first year has established anything, it is that Ojulari is not inclined toward easy narratives. His approach has been to confront reality, however inconvenient, and to build from there.

In that sense, his first year has not merely been about “walking the talk.” It has been about redefining what the talk should be, and backing it with action.

Ben Ekori, an energy sector expert and public affairs analyst wrote this piece from Lagos.

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NEWS

Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?

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As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.

The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.

According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.

SEE ALSO: Edo Cracks Down on Drug Cartels, Arrests Breastfeeding Mother, Six Others

Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.

The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.

The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.

He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.

“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.

While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.

Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.

At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?

Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.

As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.

The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?

 

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