Opinion/Feature
Of Kano’s Game Of Thrones, Nigeria’s National Anthem
What is happening in Kano should be of concern to not only the Kanawa or Northerners but to all Nigerians.
Kano, as we all know, is the heartbeat of the North. If Kano is economically buoyant, it cascades down to the rest of the North and reflects on Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Products (GDP).
Conversely, any chaos or breach in security will affect other parts of the North, thereby stretching the capacity of our security agencies with all the attendant consequences.
This is why the ongoing ”Game of Thrones” in the ancient city of Kano should concern every Nigerian.
There were some misgivings in some quarters when Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, popularly called SLS – fresh from a controversial sacking from the office of the governor of Nigeria’s Central Bank by then President Goodluck Jonathan – was made the Emir of Kano, against all odds, by Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso on 8th June 2014, in a move that lends credence to the saying that there is no permanent friend or enemy in politics but permanent interests.
In Kwankwaso’s first tenure as governor, he and SLS, then with the First Bank, were more like “enemies”, which made the government of Kano State close its account with the bank as its request for Sanusi’s sack was not acceded to.
Yet there were misgivings too when, again against all odds, he was dethroned by former Governor Abdullahi Umar Ganduje on 9th March 2020. To get at him, Ganduje “shattered” the revered Kano Emirate into five pieces.
Now there are more misgivings after the current governor of Kano State, Abba Yusuf, himself a Prince, dethroned the five Emirs created by Ganduje and reinstated SLS and returned the emirate to its former status.
The issue, ordinarily a state affair within the governor’s authority, is threatening to escalate and burst onto the national landscape. That is, if it has not already, what with the National Security Adviser (NSA) weighing in.
The thing is, the princes’ insatiable greed for power, influence, relevance and wealth has made them rush open-eyed into the crossfires of ambitious and unscrupulous politicians who keep no captives. To quote from ‘Macbeth’, the Kano princes have “murdered sleep and so shall sleep no more.”
However, the most pitiable here is the common man who whatever is happening in Kano will neither put garri on his table nor solve any of his mammoth and growing problems. It is the common man who would be used as a foot soldier to disrupt the peace of the community.
Welcome Back, “Nigeria We Hail Thee!”
It is no longer news that the National Assembly will bring back our National Anthem at the birth of our nation. It is a welcome development.
On 10 August 2020, I wrote a piece entitled “Pray, who wants Zulum dead?” and I said, “Anybody who chooses to write the truth about our dear country, Nigeria, does so with a heavy heart. You cannot write about your beloved with no degree of passion. The love for it, the sadness at its travails, the fear for its future, and the cry for its affairs to be done right cannot be written dispassionately. Bewildered many a time, you just write for record purposes, knowing that it may change nothing.
“We grew up with the national anthem, ‘Nigeria We Hail Thee’, which was adopted on October 1, 1960. It was our anthem until 1978. The anthem was written by Lillian Jean Williams, a Briton who lived here at the time of our independence, while the music for it was composed by Francis Berda. In the first stanza, there was a rallying exhortation. After saluting the great mother country – ‘Nigeria we hail thee’, it went on to call us to unity and oneness – ‘Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand…’
“A three-stanza anthem designed to whip up our patriotism, the third stanza struck a chord with me. In it, we supposedly beseech the Creator to help us build a nation where no man is left behind. “O God of creation, grant us this our one request, help us build a nation where no man is oppressed…” In my childish imagination in the early 70s (I was barely ten) I always romanticised that to mean we were imploring God to help us build a real wall of steel, mortar and cement strong enough to withstand external enemies and tall enough that no Nigerian can be thrown over it to the wolves.
“Now, while the first national anthem spoke of Nigeria as a mother, the second spoke of it as a father. The last verse in the first stanza of the earlier anthem was “Nigerians all and proud to serve our sovereign motherland” while the second verse in the first stanza of the later anthem said, “To serve our fatherland”.
“While the mother fiercely loves her brood and can stake her life for them, the father’s love is less sentimental but intense. By nature, he provides for both the mother and the kids and can break his back so that they can have something. He can move mountains to protect and preserve him. And so the child sees its father as stronger than Hercules and richer than Mansa Musa.
“There may be many reasons why General Olusegun Obasanjo’s regime decided to change the anthem to the current one. Chief among them could be nationalism; after all, why should foreigners decide our national anthem, they might have reasoned. But did they put side-by-side the meanings, imports and differences between “motherhood” and “fatherhood” in their decision to adopt the current anthem? Or perhaps they felt that likening Nigeria to a father would make its children revere and work to make it proud of them while in return giving them the love, support and protection only a father can?
“You see, a citizen sees his country in the image of a father. Children begin to lose hope in a father who shirks his responsibilities. They begin to see him as the anonymous lover who, heartbroken, wrote: ‘I am afraid to love you again. But whenever I see you, I just want to hold you in my arms forever. You had promised to protect me forever and never to hurt me for once, but you have broken that promise, just the way you have shattered my heart, too.’
“The yet-to-be-found Chibok girls and all their loved ones can say these words about their fatherland. All Nigerian children and their loved ones kidnapped or killed by Boko Haram in the North-East or its other arm, the bandits in the North West and North Central, can borrow these words too. Even those released after their people have paid their ransom can adopt these words. All Nigerians who believe more could have been done will be at home with these words. Do you think those appalled at how Boko Haram terrorists who were “rehabilitated” and released into society disappear will not see these words as apt?”
On 12 December 2022, writing on “CBN, Qatar 2023 and time to rekindle our patriotism (1)”, I said, “There is nothing more touching than watching fans at the ongoing World Cup shed tears when their national anthem is being sung, or crying when their national team loses a game or even wins. Such a show of intense emotion comes as a result of substantial love for one’s country. It is a sign of unbridled patriotism. You begin to wonder if a Nigerian would cry on hearing our national anthem or cry if we win or lose a game.
“But you must ask yourself whether such love for the country has something to do with the anthem or with how a country’s managers manage it.
Now, many things have happened that have made a lot of Nigerians want to give up because, sadly, the managers of our country have so bastardised our psyche that many of us are afraid to cry for a country those milking it have no sympathy for. Last week, I saw a video clip of a serving minister boasting to his audience that he cannot be defeated in an election because he had “amassed money”! How insensitive can one be!
We all had hopes for this nation. We still have, and we all want it to be the greatest in the world. However, this hope is fading for some, even as many of us still hold on to the dream of a greater Nigeria because we have no other country to call ours.
NEWS
Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?
As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.
The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.
According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.
SEE ALSO: Edo Cracks Down on Drug Cartels, Arrests Breastfeeding Mother, Six Others
Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.
The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.
The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.
He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.
“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.
While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.
Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.
At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?
Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.
As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.
The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?
Opinion/Feature
Obaseki: A Loose Cannon Fanning Global Embers of Hate
By Fred Itua
Godwin Obaseki’s latest outburst is not a surprise. It is simply the continuation of a pattern that Edo people came to recognize too late. His years in office were marked by intolerance, vindictiveness and a violent streak that constantly simmered beneath the surface. Those who worked closely with him still carry the scars of his temperament. His former deputy, Philip Shaibu, is the most glaring example.
Whatever their disagreement may have been, no rational leader plots the humiliation and removal of a deputy he once described as a brother. Yet Obaseki manipulated every institutional lever available to him to settle a personal score, using the House of Assembly as a pawn to crush a man whose only crime was falling out of favour with the lord of Osadebe Avenue.
In October 2022, Obaseki’s hateful tendencies were expended on those he promised to serve. He supervised the demolition of roughly one hundred homes across Oke-Oroma, Irhirhi-Obazagbon and Ogheghe communities. Residents insisted they held valid documents, including Certificates of Occupancy, yet he pushed ahead in defiance of a subsisting court order that had restrained any action pending the determination of their suit. The result was devastating. Thousands were displaced and property worth billions of naira were reduced to rubble. Such a vindictive man!
Edo people saw the full extent of this violence during the 2024 governorship election when Obaseki stood before cameras and threatened that Edo would burn if his preferred candidate lost. Those words were not the empty rant of a frustrated politician. They came from a man with a history of weaponizing state power, a man whose administration armed loyalists and created networks of political enforcers who blended easily into the criminal elements that then turned their guns on innocent citizens.
ALSO READ: Edo Cracks Down on Drug Cartels, Arrests Breastfeeding Mother, Six Others
It is no coincidence that the early days of the current administration were choked with spikes in kidnapping and armed robbery. These were not random crimes. They were the desperate convulsions of an ecosystem built, funded and empowered by Obaseki himself.
Governor Monday Okpebholo has had to stabilize a state that was deliberately left volatile. Through calm leadership and quiet strength, he has managed to rein in the chaos and restore public confidence. But Obaseki, instead of retreating into reflection, has doubled down.
His recent video in Birmingham reveals a man who cannot bear the reality that Edo people have moved on. He accused Okpebholo of being “stupid”, boasted that he is mobilizing the international community against him and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and threatened that the governor “will see”.
These are not harmless statements from an angry former office holder. They are calculated threats from someone who has never hidden his desire to destabilize Edo State whenever power slips from his grip.
He claims that a governor from Irrua cannot dictate to people in Benin. That remark alone exposes the dangerous tribal undertone of his politics. For eight years, he exploited ethnic sentiment to divide communities and isolate opponents. Now, he is attempting to ignite the same divisive flame against a governor who has only focused on governance, inclusiveness and development.
Obaseki’s language in that video is not only reckless, it is incendiary. It hints at an attempt to stir resentment, inflame divisions and rally hostility toward a government that is working hard to rebuild the damage he left behind.
His recent globe-trotting under the guise of “meet and greet” is now clearer for what it is: an effort to secure foreign sympathy, funding and legitimacy for a domestic political battle he has already lost. When a former governor openly brags about mobilizing the diaspora and the global community against the current leadership of his own state, it raises valid questions about intent.
What exactly does he need international pressure for? Why is he desperately trying to create a narrative of crisis where none exists? And who are the people he hopes to recruit from abroad? Edo people have not forgotten that this same man once threatened to burn down Nigeria during an election.
They have not forgotten that his private “security structure” terrorized communities under the cloak of political loyalty. They understand the implications of a former governor seeking global support while trading in fear and hostility.
The uncomfortable truth is that Obaseki’s comments suggest a willingness to collaborate with external actors to undermine the peace of Edo State. A man who once equipped foot soldiers and political enforcers is now boasting about global mobilization.
The link is not far-fetched. His post-tenure travel pattern, sudden desperation and inflammatory rhetoric open the possibility that he is seeking funds or tacit support to revive the political machinery that once served him; a machinery that slipped into criminality after he left office. Edo cannot afford to overlook this. A man who once used threats to bend institutions is now using threats to intimidate a sitting governor.
And yet, despite Obaseki’s attempt to twist reality, Monday Okpebholo has not threatened him. He has not weaponized ethnicity. He has not responded with abuse. All he has done is to remind the public that the records of Obaseki’s misrule are there for anyone to examine.
The refusal to swear in duly-elected lawmakers. The manipulation of the Assembly to serve private interests. The unprecedented decision to withhold the swearing-in of judges recommended by the National Judicial Council. The demolition of the central hospital without providing a viable alternative for ordinary people. These actions were not just bad governance; they were the height of arrogance and indifference to the people he claimed to represent.
It is ironic that Obaseki now accuses others of threatening him when his own record is littered with acts that undermined the wellbeing of Edo people. His fear is not Governor Okpebholo. His fear is accountability. His fear is that the fog of propaganda can no longer cover the damage he inflicted on institutions, communities and public trust. And so he runs abroad to find new allies, hoping that distance will distort the truth.
His attacks on Governor Okpebholo’s loyalty to President Bola Tinubu are even more revealing. By insisting that Okpebholo should not deliver votes to the President, Obaseki exposes the bitterness that comes from losing political relevance. But governance is not about ego. Performance is what earns support. And Okpebholo’s quiet but consistent reforms across infrastructure, security, social welfare and public administration already place him miles ahead of the eight years of stagnation that Obaseki left behind. Edo people are not blind. They know who is working. They know who listens. They know who respects them. No amount of foreign posturing will change that.
Obaseki’s latest rant is a dangerous escalation from a man struggling to remain politically relevant. It is an open threat to peace and a signal that he is willing to drag Edo into conflict just to nurse his bruised pride. Edo people and the federal government must treat this with the seriousness it deserves. A former governor openly encouraging dissent abroad while tribalizing politics at home is a security concern. His record, his words and his behavior suggest that he is not acting alone.
The time has come for security agencies to take Obaseki’s latest comments and conduct seriously. His public threats, global mobilization and divisive rhetoric raise red flags that cannot be ignored. A thorough probe is needed to determine the intent behind his statements and the networks he is attempting to activate.
His known supporters, online loyalists and political enforcers must be properly profiled and monitored to ensure they do not undermine the peace Edo State is currently enjoying. Edo cannot afford to slip back into instability, and every institution responsible for protecting public safety must act decisively before words escalate into something more dangerous.
Fred Itua, the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo wrote from Benin City, Edo State
Opinion/Feature
For the Records … Revocation of CofO of Presco Plc
I have received calls, messages and other inquiries regarding the revocation of the CofO of Presco Plc by Governor Monday Okpebholo. The Secretary to State Government, Barr. Umar Musa Ikhilor, has robustly explained the issues.
Unfortunately, some folks, for obvious reasons, are still yearning for more answers. I’ll explain the facts and I hope this helps.
It has been established that the published Revocation Notice didn’t pass through the appropriate channels. Again, the actual number of hectares intended for excision from Presco Plc’s total landholding was grossly misrepresented in the published text.
For clarity, the Edo State Government has not revoked Presco Plc’s Statutory Right of Occupancy. What was under technical consideration was the excision of approximately 20 hectares—a clearly defined area—strictly limited to the portions of land containing strategic crude oil wells.
This excision became necessary because no individual or company can lawfully exercise proprietary rights over land where mineral resources are located, as such resources are vested exclusively in the Federal Government.
Section 44(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended) provides that:
“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions of this section, the entire property in and control of all minerals, mineral oils and natural gas in, under or upon any land in Nigeria shall vest in the Government of the Federation…”
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Section 1 of the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021 similarly states that:
“…the entire ownership and control of all petroleum in, under or upon any lands in Nigeria shall be vested in the State (Federal Government)…”
Section 28 of the Land Use Act (1978) empowers government to revoke rights of occupancy strictly for overriding public interest, which includes matters relating to mineral exploitation.
The Edo State Government advises the general public, stakeholders, and Presco Plc to disregard the notice in its entirety.
Meanwhile, Governor Monday Okpebholo has initiated a formal administrative review to strengthen internal controls to prevent future breaches.
The administration of Governor Monday Okpebholo reiterates its commitment to transparent land administration, orderly engagement with investors, and the protection of public interest, particularly in matters involving national strategic assets such as oil and gas assets.
So, my people, no cause for alarm.
Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State.






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