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Nigeria’s New Model Of Democracy – Govt By Tribesmen

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By Emmanuel Onwubiko

There was this Southern African proverb used by Nigeria’s former president Dr Goodluck Jonathan that makes a whole lot of sense to us in Nigeria, especially when analytically viewing how government business is set up.

The proverb says, “It’s much easier to wake a man who is truly asleep from sleep than he who is pretending to be asleep”. Flowing from this Southern African proverb is the fact that it is very difficult to get a government bent on doing that which is unconstitutional than from a self-correcting government that is transparent and open to criticism.

There are two public statements credited to the current president of Nigeria which self-contradict each other. The first one was the story the president told during his happy moments as he marked his birthday very recently.

Visited by an entourage organised by his minister of the Federal Capital Territory Mr. Nyesom Wike, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu said he once gave a strong warning to the FCT minister that he must carry out almost his entire public functions with the conscious awareness that the interest of All Progressives Congress which is the President’s political family matters so much and that should he be found wanting, he would be dismissed.

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Wike is of the People’s Democratic Party but rebelled from his party and accepted a cabinet level appointment from the government set up by the APC led president.

The aforementioned story specifically is titled ‘How I warned Wike of possible sack if his policies didn’t favour APC in FCT – says Tinubu’.

The president had revealed that he threatened the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, that he could lose his position if his policies in Abuja did not favour the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Speaking recently when Wike led FCT residents on a Sallah visit to the State House, Tinubu commended the minister’s efforts in transforming the capital but noted that certain obstacles needed to be removed to ensure smooth progress.

One such challenge was the inclusion of the FCT under the Treasury Single Account (TSA), which Wike requested to be removed. Tinubu recalled that Wike approached him with the appeal.

“I remember the day Nyesom Wike came to me and said, ‘Please take us out of this problem of TSA so that I can do more work and achieve more,” Tinubu said.

He added that he asked Wike to outline his plans and then jokingly questioned whether the changes would benefit the APC politically.

“I said, ‘Okay, show me what you’re about to do,’ and he presented his thinking and his belief, and I threw in my political jibe. I said, ‘Will that give me any opportunity for my party to win an election in the FCT?’” the president added.

“I said, ‘I know where you’re coming from. Your own party or my party? Because if this thing goes too much in your own favour, you will lose your job, and he said, ‘Okay, we will settle that, my oga,’ and I moved ahead, and everything started changing rapidly,” Tinubu said.

He credited the removal of the FCT from the TSA for accelerating development and improving governance in the capital.

The second story was the statement that one of his ministers was offered appointment even when he was a known public critic of the person and politics of the president. In other word, the said minister is an outsider and not a core member of the president’s political family.

President Bola Tinubu had in this vein revealed the reasoning behind his “controversial decision” to appoint Dr. Bosun Tijani as Minister of Communications, Innovation, and Digital Economy.

This move, he said, drew widespread debate due to Tijani’s history of public criticism of him and the National Assembly.

Speaking at a special Iftar held on Saturday night at the Presidential Villa to mark his 73rd birthday, Tinubu stated that his choice of Tijani underscored his belief in recognising talent, even among critics, as a means to drive national development.

“When I picked him, it was tough. My very close confidantes, who had read his comments on social media, came to me and said, ‘No, never.’ I said, ‘Yes, he is talented.

“Because he criticises me and pours abuses on the parliament, it does not mean he has nothing to offer.

“Maybe his frustration at that time will drive him to contribute more to governance. And today, he is doing that, and I am very proud of him,” Tinubu stated.

These two public stories told by Tinubu gives two contradictions. One is the impression that the president is unaware of the fuller meaning of constitutional democracy which is a form of government that is voted into office, composed by the people, not necessarily by members of the political structure that produced the president and the government of the people by the people is legally obligated to then deliver services that would benefits the greatest majority or percentage of the people of the country and not registered members of the political party in which the president used to run for election into the office of the president of Nigeria.

This particular story of the encounter between Wike and Tinubu tells the story of a president who believes that only members of the All Progressives Congress must become members of his government and therefore should become the overwhelming beneficiaries of the programmes, policies and initiatives of the government. The very next story of how the president proceeded to pick someone outside of his political family and indeed a critic, as a cabinet level appointee, reflects the mindset of a president who knows that government isn’t necessarily by members of his political team and the beneficiaries of the policies and programmes of the government should be the greatest percentage of the people of Nigeria.

However, if we interrogate further the ways and manners of appointments made by the president, there is an open admission that President Tinubu is intentionally carrying on as if his government is by the APC and the goals and objectives of his governance style should be reaped by the members of his political family.

This is so because it is now obvious that 99 percent of all the appointments made by the president have favoured active members of All Progressives Congress and the intriguing thing about it is that key positions of board chairmen of important national agencies have been awarded to the National leaders and states wide leaders of Tinubu’s political party which is the All Progressives Congress. The Nigerian Television Authority’s board is chaired by the spokesman of the APC.

All federal teaching hospitals were awarded as trophies to national and state leaders of the All Progressives Congress and then there is another angle that is even more laughable: the overwhelming presence of the kinsmen and tribes women of Tinubu’s Yoruba heritage and ethnicity in his government.

Tinubu has effectively constituted the bulk of his appointees to be composed of Yorubas so much so that what we have with us in Nigeria is akin to a government by TRIBESMEN. This is more dangerous than concentrating appointments in the hands of leaders of the political party that produced the president of Nigeria, even though it is innately evil. So we are now contending with a twin social evils of having the president who has set up his government of TRIBESMEN and political family members only.

This is wrong on all fronts. I will reproduce the identities of the juicy and indeed very important public offices given only to Yorubas who are Tinubu’s TRIBESMEN. Senator Ali Ndume from Borno state, who is a member of the All Progressives Congress, loudly condemned this government by TRIBESMEN, which Tinubu is orchestrating.

But first, let us talk a bit about how tribalism constitutes the most dangerous threat to constitutional democracy.

A political philosopher recalled that Andrew Sullivan’s 2017 article “Can democracy survive tribalism” states what I would consider an idealist’s vision of Nigeria – “to live beyond such tribal identities, to construct a society based on the individual, to see ourselves as citizens of a people’s republic.”

Most scholars agree that tribalism is an inherited social construct, a default of our collective ‘existential experience.’ The implication is that tribalism in contemporary societies can not be wished away. Tribalism: “a loyalty or preference to one’s own people.” “The state of existing as a tribe, or a strong loyalty to your tribe.”

She said that a group’s history shapes its existential experience. Ahmad Mohammadpour and Kamal Soleimani (2019) suggest that “colonial powers have used tribalism to oversimplify the multifaceted modality of diverse and heterogeneous socio-political arrangements.” While understanding history is important, the popular anonymous quote, “If you don’t heal what hurt you, you’ll bleed on people who didn’t cut you,” captures the essence of the present moment in Nigeria.

What happened prior to Nigeria’s independence and post-independence has seared ‘tribe’ into the country’s political identity, fueling a ‘survivalist mentality’ and the need to ‘stick together.’ The extensive literature on tribalism agrees that it has more severe consequences in developing societies. Individuals may covertly stay ‘primal’ and overtly exhibit ‘primal’ behaviors when any form of security in an already ‘lacking, scarce’ space is threatened. Primal: the extreme response to new and threatening situations in the interest of self-preservation.

The author recalled vividly that with over 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria is the archetype of a heterogeneous group. However, this diversity also poses a burden, as the country’s institutions and leaders need help managing the complexities of the different groups. Despite being a rich economy, Nigeria’s poverty rate is high, and its quality of life is worsening. In the lead-up to the 2023 election, Nigeria’s economic situation was volatile, with high inflation, contractionary monetary policies, and shrinking policy space, leading to a reduced purchasing power for the average Nigerian.

Tribalism exacerbates the issue, as different groups compete for scarce resources. In his article “Tribalism and Politics in Nigeria,” Walter Schwarz (1966) wrote that “it is not that different tribes dislike each other. The trouble is they are competing for scarce commodities.” Today, 56 years after his writing, resource scarcity has worsened, and the competition for what is available is even more primal. (written by Ada Umenwaliri, PhD in public policy and strategy).

The conclusion is to reproduce empirical evidence to demonstrate our understanding that President Tinubu is running his government of TRIBESMEN, which is much more dangerous than his other understanding of government and purpose of government which to him means satisfying only the interest of members of his political party which is the All Progressives Congress (APC).

As sent to me by a senior officer of the Nigerian Immigration Service (name withheld): SOME OFFICIALS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF NIGERIA UNDER PRESIDENT TINUBU.
Mind you, this is a (non-exhaustive) list of Yorubas in the Government of President Tinubu. “YORUBA LOKAN”?

BOLA TINUBU’S FEDERAL GOVERNMENT:

  1. OFFICE/POSITION – President and Commander-in-Chief, Federal Republic of Nigeria. CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bola Ahmed Tinubu, TRIBE- Yoruba
  2. OFFICE/POSITION – Chief Justice of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun, TRIBE- Yoruba
  3. OFFICE/POSITION – Chief of Army Staff, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olufemi Olatubosun Oluyede, TRIBE- Yoruba
  4. OFFICE/POSITION – Inspector General of Police, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Kayode Egbetokun, TRIBE- Yoruba
  5. OFFICE/POSITION – DG, Department of State Services, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  6. OFFICE/POSITION – Commander, Brigade of Guards, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adebisi Olusola Onasanya, TRIBE- Yoruba
  7. OFFICE/POSITION – Chief of Defence Space Administration, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lanre Ibrahim Oluwatoyin, TRIBE- Yoruba
  8. OFFICE/POSITION – Commandant, National Defence College
    CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olumuyiwa Morankinyo Olotu
    TRIBE- Yoruba
  9. OFFICE/POSITION – CG, Nigeria Customs Service, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  10. OFFICE/POSITION – CG, Federal Fire Service, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abdulganiyu Olola Jaji, TRIBE- Yoruba
  11. OFFICE/POSITION- Accountant-General of the Federation, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oluwatoyin Sakirat Madein, TRIBE- Yoruba
  12. OFFICE/POSITION- Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olayemi Michael Cardoso, TRIBE- Yoruba
  13. OFFICE/POSITION- Chairman, Economic & Financial Crimes Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olanipekun Olukoyede, TRIBE- Yoruba
  14. OFFICE/POSITION- Chairman, Federal Inland Revenue Service, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Zaccheus Adelabu Adedeji, TRIBE- Yoruba
  15. OFFICE/POSITION- CCE, Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Gbenga Komolafe, TRIBE- Yoruba
  16. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Dayo Mobereola, TRIBE- Yoruba
  17. OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Gbenga Alade, TRIBE- Yoruba
  18. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Pension Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Omolola Bridget Oloworaran, TRIBE- Yoruba
  19. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Bureau of Public Procurement, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adebowale Adedokun, TRIBE- Yoruba
  20. OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olubunmi Oluwaseun Kuku, TRIBE- Yoruba
  21. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Bureau of Public Enterprises, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ayodeji Ariyo Gbeleyi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  22. OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Nigeria Export Processing Zones Authority, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olufemi Ogunyemi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  23. OFFICE/POSITION- Commissioner/CEO, National Insurance Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olusegun Ayo Omosehin, TRIBE- Yoruba
  24. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Identity Management Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abisoye Coker-Odusote, TRIBE- Yoruba
  25. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Space Research and Development Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Mathew Adepoju, TRIBE- Yoruba
  26. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Centre for Technology Management, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olushola Odusanya, TRIBE- Yoruba
  27. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Automotive Design and Development Council, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oluwemimo Joseph Osanipin, TRIBE- Yoruba
  28. OFFICE/POSITION- Chairman, Nigerian Ports Authority Board, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adedayo Clement Adeyeye, TRIBE- Yoruba
  29. OFFICE/POSITION- MD, Federal Housing Authority, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oladimeji Oyetunde Ojo, TRIBE- Yoruba
  30. OFFICE/POSITION- ES, National Lottery Trust Fund, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Tosin Adeyanju, TRIBE- Yoruba
  31. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Lottery Regulatory Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lanre Gbajabiamila, TRIBE- Yoruba
  32. OFFICE/POSITION- CEO, Nigerian Postal Service
    CURRENT OCCUPANT- Omotola Odeyemi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  33. OFFICE/POSITION- CEO, Nigeria Data Protection Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Vincent Olatunji, TRIBE- Yoruba
  34. OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Galaxy Backbone Limited, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ibrahim Adepoju Adeyanju, TRIBE- Yoruba
  35. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Biosafety Management Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Agnes Yemisi Asagbra, TRIBE- Yoruba
  36. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Agency for the Control of AIDS, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Temitope Ilori, TRIBE- Yoruba
  37. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Mojisola Christianah Adeyeye, TRIBE- Yoruba
  38. OFFICE/POSITION- ES/CEO, National Primary Health Care Development Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Muyi Aina, TRIBE- Yoruba
  39. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Nigeria Centre for Disease Control, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Jide Idris, TRIBE- Yoruba
  40. OFFICE/POSITION- Statistician-General, National Bureau of Statistics, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adeyemi Adeniran, TRIBE- Yoruba
  41. OFFICE/POSITION- ES, National Sugar Development Council, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Kamar Bakrin, TRIBE- Yoruba
  42. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lekan Fadolapo, TRIBE- Yoruba
  43. OFFICE/POSITION- EVC/CEO, Federal Competition & Consumer Protection Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olatunji Bello, TRIBE- Yoruba
  44. OFFICE/POSITION- National Coordinator, National Social Safety-Net Coordinating Office, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Funmi Olotu, TRIBE- Yoruba
  45. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Sports Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bukola Olawale Olopade, TRIBE- Yoruba
  46. OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Nigerian Tourism Development Corporation, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Folorunsho Coker, TRIBE- Yoruba
  47. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Orientation Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lanre Issa-Onilu, TRIBE- Yoruba
  48. OFFICE/POSITION- Registrar Surveyors Council of Nigeria. CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olakunle Olugbemiro, TRIBE- Yoruba
  49. OFFICE/POSITION- President/CEO Digital Bridge Institute, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Opeyemi Dele-Ajayi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  50. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO Industrial Training Fund, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oluwatoyin Afiz Ogun, TRIBE- Yoruba
  51. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO Nigerian Institute of Medical Research, CURRENT OCCUPANT- John Oladapo Obafunwa, TRIBE- Yoruba
  52. OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO National Institute for Hospitality Tourism, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abisoye Fagade, TRIBE- Yoruba
  53. OFFICE/POSITION- National Power Training Institute of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ahmed Bolaji Nagode, TRIBE- Yoruba
  54. OFFICE/POSITION- DG National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ayo Omotayo, TRIBE- Yoruba
  55. OFFICE/POSITION- Administrator/CEO Public Service Institute of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abdul-Ganiyu Obatoyinbo, TRIBE- Yoruba
  56. OFFICE/POSITION- Registrar Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Is-haq Olanrewaju Oloyede, TRIBE- Yoruba
  57. OFFICE/POSITION- Registrar/CEO Teachers Registration Council of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Josiah Ajiboye, TRIBE- Yoruba
  58. OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO Nigerian Education Loan Fund, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Akintunde Sawyerr, TRIBE- Yoruba
  59. OFFICE/POSITION- ED/CEO Cocoa Research Institute of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Patrick Olusanmi Adebola, TRIBE- Yoruba
  60. OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Folashade Joseph, TRIBE- Yoruba
  61. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Petroleum Resources, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bola Ahmed Tinubu, TRIBE- Yoruba
  62. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Wale Edun, TRIBE- Yoruba
  63. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Interior, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, TRIBE- Yoruba
  64. OFFICE/POSITION- Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lateef Fagbemi, TRIBE- Yoruba
  65. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Power, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adebayo Adelabu TRIBE- Yoruba
  66. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Solid Minerals Development, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Dele Alake, TRIBE- Yoruba
  67. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bosun Tijani, TRIBE- Yoruba
  68. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adegboyega Oyetola
    TRIBE- Yoruba
  69. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Jumoke Oduwole, TRIBE- Yoruba
  70. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Education, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Morufu Olatunji Alausa, TRIBE- Yoruba
  71. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister for Youth Development, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ayodele Olawande, TRIBE- Yoruba
  72. OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of State, Health, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Salako Iziaq Adekunle Adeboye, TRIBE- Yoruba.

 

Emmanuel Onwubiko, the founder of the Human Rights Writers Association Of Nigeria (HURIWA), formerly the National Commissioner of the National Human Rights Commission of Nigeria, wrote from Abuja

Opinion/Feature

Nigeria Can’t Achieve Electoral Reforms Without Effective Democracy Communication

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NASS shuts down main entrance gate for reconstruction work

By Audu Liberty Oseni, PhD

Conversations around Nigeria’s electoral reform focus mainly on electoral laws, institutions, technology, and the credibility of elections. While these are central and fundamental, a deeper dimension that must be at the centre of the conversation has emerged in my research.

My study, “Democracy Communication and Citizens’ Perceptions of Political Trust and Democratic Legitimacy in Nigeria,” examined how democracy communication shapes citizens’ perceptions of political trust and democratic legitimacy.

Relying on qualitative data collected through Focus Group Discussions and Key Informant Interviews across 12 Local Government Areas in Abuja and Lagos, the study showed that democracy communication plays a central role in how citizens understand and engage with democracy. Citizens engage with the core principles of democracy, including free, fair and credible elections, rule of law, separation of powers, participatory decision-making, accountability, as well as fair and equitable representation, through communication.

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The study further revealed that citizens who show a stronger preference for participatory democracy communication are those who have experienced dialogue-based engagement.

This is because participation, inclusion, collective decision-making and accountability are not external to communities. They are rooted in people’s socio-cultural systems of indigenous knowledge used for social interaction and collective decision-making.

Citizens showed an understanding of what strengthens and erodes trust in democratic institutions in all 12 Local Government Areas studied. Their dealing with democracy was conditional. They would be more willing to engage and support democracy and democratic institutions when accountability, participation and responsiveness are present, whereas they disengage when distrust rises and dominates.

These findings reveal central and fundamental issues. Citizens actively evaluate, negotiate and respond to how democracy is communicated and practiced; they are not mere passive recipients of democracy. Despite this, a significant mismatch between institutional communication and citizens’ preferences exists. The reliance of government and political institutions on top-down communication is a dominant practice.

A preference for communication that allows citizens to ask questions, deliberate, negotiate, contribute, and influence decisions was strongly expressed. Democratic communication is seen as more credible and legitimate, especially when facilitated through trusted local community structures.

This has profound implications for electoral reforms. Nigeria cannot achieve electoral reforms while communicating with citizens as though they are merely an audience. Electoral reforms are not only about changing laws or introducing technology. The citizens must understand the reforms, participate in the conversations, question them, have opportunities to influence implementation, and must be able to hold institutions accountable.

This is why this study argues that electoral reforms are largely ‘a communication process’. Electoral credibility and service delivery are not the only factors that determine citizens’ support for democracy. Communication processes that create opportunities for dialogue, negotiation, and meaningful participation in governance shape citizens’ support for democracy.

The understanding of democracy should not be based on its assessment as a system of institutions and procedures; it is also an ongoing communicative relationship between the state and her citizens.

Nigeria must reposition democracy communication from a peripheral activity to a central pillar of her democratic practice and electoral reform. Political actors, electoral institutions and policymakers must champion the institutionalization of participatory democracy. These communication processes enable citizens to engage, deliberate, negotiate and co-create solutions to governance challenges.

If we Nigerians want electoral reforms that citizens trust, understand and own, we must embrace communication. A means by which we stop communicating to citizens and start communicating with them. We cannot achieve electoral reforms without effective “Democracy Communication”.

Oseni, Director, Centre for Development Communication (CDC), sent this via email – [email protected]

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Opinion/Feature

Unlocking NPFL’s Market Value, Potential (1)

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By Andrew Ekejiuba
The Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL) possesses all the ingredients required to become one of Africa’s most valuable domestic football competitions.

With a population exceeding 230 million people, an enormous football-loving fan base, fierce regional rivalries, an abundance of talented players, and a rapidly expanding digital audience, Nigeria has a foundation that many leagues across the continent can only aspire to.

Yet, despite these enormous advantages, the commercial value of the country’s elite league remains far below its true potential.

Unlocking this value requires a fundamental shift in how NPFL clubs are managed. Clubs must stop operating merely as football teams and begin functioning as professional sports businesses. Unfortunately, many NPFL clubs continue to run as extensions of government ministries rather than commercially driven organizations. This governance model has significantly hindered both the growth of the clubs and the development of the league itself.

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Every NPFL club should have a Board with competent professionals overseeing strategic decisions and policies. Equally important is the appointment of qualified Chief Executive Officers, Commercial Directors, Marketing Managers, Digital Media Teams, Fan Engagement Officers, and Business Development Executives.

All these are necessary because sustainable football success is built on strong institutions, not merely on performances on the pitch.

It has been revealed that most government-owned NPFL clubs rely almost entirely on state government funding despite the potential to generate incremental revenues annually. This dependency creates numerous challenges, including unstable financing, political interference, weak accountability, and little motivation to generate independent revenue. Such a structure inevitably limits innovation and commercial growth.

To become financially sustainable, clubs must progressively diversify their revenue streams through sponsorships, merchandising, hospitality services, membership programmes, ticket sales, academy transfers, digital subscriptions, media content, and other commercial initiatives. All these can be achieved through verifiable metrics and analytics that are attractive to various local and international partners. Government ownership, where it exists, should target direct intervention in key strategic areas and create a conducive environment that will facilitate the accelerated growth and development of the Clubs.

Another significant opportunity lies in building stronger club brands.

Although many NPFL clubs boast rich histories and passionate supporters, their brand identities remain underdeveloped. Every club should possess a clearly recognizable identity defined by its colours, logo, slogan, traditions, legends, and deep community roots.

Successful football clubs across the world sell identity before they sell football. Supporters do not merely buy tickets—they buy belongings. Consequently, every NPFL club should invest in a consistent visual identity, professionally managed websites, vibrant social media platforms, documentaries, podcasts, player profiles, and well-preserved historical archives. Football fans connect with stories just as much as they celebrate trophies.

Equally important is improving the matchday experience. Many NPFL venues still struggle with poor seating arrangements, inadequate parking facilities, poor sanitation, limited food and beverage options, weak security, and insufficient entertainment before and after matches. A football match should be an event that supporters eagerly anticipate, not simply ninety minutes of action. Creating enjoyable and memorable matchday experiences will strengthen emotional attachment between clubs and their supporters while increasing attendance and spending.

Digital media also presents one of the greatest opportunities for unlocking the league’s commercial value. Today’s football audience increasingly consumes content on mobile phones and digital platforms long before watching matches on television. Consequently, clubs must invest heavily in digital content creation.

Media departments should consistently produce engaging content, including training sessions, behind-the-scenes footage, player interviews, tactical analysis, academy updates, fan competitions, historical features, documentaries, and interactive social media campaigns. Around the world, digital engagement has become a significant source of commercial revenue through advertising, sponsorships, subscriptions, and fan monetization. The NPFL cannot afford to be left behind.
Another area requiring strategic attention is player development and transfers. Evidence from several emerging football leagues shows that player trading can become a major source of sustainable income when properly managed. Nigeria continues to produce exceptional football talent, yet too many players leave for relatively insignificant transfer fees.

NPFL clubs should strengthen their youth academies, offer longer-term contracts to promising players, improve scouting networks, negotiate favourable sell-on clauses, secure development compensation rights, and create attractive welfare packages to retain outstanding talent for longer periods. European clubs such as Red Bull Salzburg and Genk have built highly successful business models around player development and strategic transfers, an approach worthy of emulation.

In addition, club licensing regulations should enforce the requirement for every NPFL club to own and operate a functional youth academy that consistently feeds the first team. Such academies reduce recruitment costs, reinforce club identity, generate future transfer income, and strengthen community engagement. Beyond football, these academies should prioritize education, nutrition, sports science, psychology, and life-skills training to ensure the holistic development of young athletes.

Finally, clubs must begin to view their stadiums as commercial assets capable of generating revenue year-round, not merely on matchdays. Properly managed stadiums can host concerts, conferences, exhibitions, restaurants, museums, gyms, club shops, guided tours, and corporate events while also generating income through naming rights and other commercial partnerships.

In part two of this series, attention will shift to other critical drivers of football economics, including improved officiating standards, broadcasting rights, sponsorship development, data analytics, fan engagement strategies, and governance reforms.

Ultimately, the NPFL’s greatest untapped asset is not merely the quality of football played on the pitch. A vast domestic market, an intensely passionate football culture, a large diaspora community, and an endless pipeline of talented players provide a foundation that very few African leagues can match. If these assets are strategically harnessed, the NPFL can emerge as one of the continent’s most commercially successful and globally respected football leagues.

Ekejiuba of GTI, writes from Lagos Island

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Opinion/Feature

AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development

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By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.

So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.

For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.

Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.

Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.

As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.

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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.

Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.

But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.

The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.

Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.

Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.

The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.

If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.

The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.

But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.

I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.

The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.

Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.

But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.

So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.

The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.

The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.

Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.

AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.

Ilori is an energy analyst

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