Opinion/Feature
Nigeria’s New Model Of Democracy – Govt By Tribesmen
By Emmanuel Onwubiko
There was this Southern African proverb used by Nigeria’s former president Dr Goodluck Jonathan that makes a whole lot of sense to us in Nigeria, especially when analytically viewing how government business is set up.
The proverb says, “It’s much easier to wake a man who is truly asleep from sleep than he who is pretending to be asleep”. Flowing from this Southern African proverb is the fact that it is very difficult to get a government bent on doing that which is unconstitutional than from a self-correcting government that is transparent and open to criticism.
There are two public statements credited to the current president of Nigeria which self-contradict each other. The first one was the story the president told during his happy moments as he marked his birthday very recently.
Visited by an entourage organised by his minister of the Federal Capital Territory Mr. Nyesom Wike, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu said he once gave a strong warning to the FCT minister that he must carry out almost his entire public functions with the conscious awareness that the interest of All Progressives Congress which is the President’s political family matters so much and that should he be found wanting, he would be dismissed.
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Wike is of the People’s Democratic Party but rebelled from his party and accepted a cabinet level appointment from the government set up by the APC led president.
The aforementioned story specifically is titled ‘How I warned Wike of possible sack if his policies didn’t favour APC in FCT – says Tinubu’.
The president had revealed that he threatened the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, that he could lose his position if his policies in Abuja did not favour the All Progressives Congress (APC).
Speaking recently when Wike led FCT residents on a Sallah visit to the State House, Tinubu commended the minister’s efforts in transforming the capital but noted that certain obstacles needed to be removed to ensure smooth progress.
One such challenge was the inclusion of the FCT under the Treasury Single Account (TSA), which Wike requested to be removed. Tinubu recalled that Wike approached him with the appeal.
“I remember the day Nyesom Wike came to me and said, ‘Please take us out of this problem of TSA so that I can do more work and achieve more,” Tinubu said.
He added that he asked Wike to outline his plans and then jokingly questioned whether the changes would benefit the APC politically.
“I said, ‘Okay, show me what you’re about to do,’ and he presented his thinking and his belief, and I threw in my political jibe. I said, ‘Will that give me any opportunity for my party to win an election in the FCT?’” the president added.
“I said, ‘I know where you’re coming from. Your own party or my party? Because if this thing goes too much in your own favour, you will lose your job, and he said, ‘Okay, we will settle that, my oga,’ and I moved ahead, and everything started changing rapidly,” Tinubu said.
He credited the removal of the FCT from the TSA for accelerating development and improving governance in the capital.
The second story was the statement that one of his ministers was offered appointment even when he was a known public critic of the person and politics of the president. In other word, the said minister is an outsider and not a core member of the president’s political family.
President Bola Tinubu had in this vein revealed the reasoning behind his “controversial decision” to appoint Dr. Bosun Tijani as Minister of Communications, Innovation, and Digital Economy.
This move, he said, drew widespread debate due to Tijani’s history of public criticism of him and the National Assembly.
Speaking at a special Iftar held on Saturday night at the Presidential Villa to mark his 73rd birthday, Tinubu stated that his choice of Tijani underscored his belief in recognising talent, even among critics, as a means to drive national development.
“When I picked him, it was tough. My very close confidantes, who had read his comments on social media, came to me and said, ‘No, never.’ I said, ‘Yes, he is talented.
“Because he criticises me and pours abuses on the parliament, it does not mean he has nothing to offer.
“Maybe his frustration at that time will drive him to contribute more to governance. And today, he is doing that, and I am very proud of him,” Tinubu stated.
These two public stories told by Tinubu gives two contradictions. One is the impression that the president is unaware of the fuller meaning of constitutional democracy which is a form of government that is voted into office, composed by the people, not necessarily by members of the political structure that produced the president and the government of the people by the people is legally obligated to then deliver services that would benefits the greatest majority or percentage of the people of the country and not registered members of the political party in which the president used to run for election into the office of the president of Nigeria.
This particular story of the encounter between Wike and Tinubu tells the story of a president who believes that only members of the All Progressives Congress must become members of his government and therefore should become the overwhelming beneficiaries of the programmes, policies and initiatives of the government. The very next story of how the president proceeded to pick someone outside of his political family and indeed a critic, as a cabinet level appointee, reflects the mindset of a president who knows that government isn’t necessarily by members of his political team and the beneficiaries of the policies and programmes of the government should be the greatest percentage of the people of Nigeria.
However, if we interrogate further the ways and manners of appointments made by the president, there is an open admission that President Tinubu is intentionally carrying on as if his government is by the APC and the goals and objectives of his governance style should be reaped by the members of his political family.
This is so because it is now obvious that 99 percent of all the appointments made by the president have favoured active members of All Progressives Congress and the intriguing thing about it is that key positions of board chairmen of important national agencies have been awarded to the National leaders and states wide leaders of Tinubu’s political party which is the All Progressives Congress. The Nigerian Television Authority’s board is chaired by the spokesman of the APC.
All federal teaching hospitals were awarded as trophies to national and state leaders of the All Progressives Congress and then there is another angle that is even more laughable: the overwhelming presence of the kinsmen and tribes women of Tinubu’s Yoruba heritage and ethnicity in his government.
Tinubu has effectively constituted the bulk of his appointees to be composed of Yorubas so much so that what we have with us in Nigeria is akin to a government by TRIBESMEN. This is more dangerous than concentrating appointments in the hands of leaders of the political party that produced the president of Nigeria, even though it is innately evil. So we are now contending with a twin social evils of having the president who has set up his government of TRIBESMEN and political family members only.
This is wrong on all fronts. I will reproduce the identities of the juicy and indeed very important public offices given only to Yorubas who are Tinubu’s TRIBESMEN. Senator Ali Ndume from Borno state, who is a member of the All Progressives Congress, loudly condemned this government by TRIBESMEN, which Tinubu is orchestrating.
But first, let us talk a bit about how tribalism constitutes the most dangerous threat to constitutional democracy.
A political philosopher recalled that Andrew Sullivan’s 2017 article “Can democracy survive tribalism” states what I would consider an idealist’s vision of Nigeria – “to live beyond such tribal identities, to construct a society based on the individual, to see ourselves as citizens of a people’s republic.”
Most scholars agree that tribalism is an inherited social construct, a default of our collective ‘existential experience.’ The implication is that tribalism in contemporary societies can not be wished away. Tribalism: “a loyalty or preference to one’s own people.” “The state of existing as a tribe, or a strong loyalty to your tribe.”
She said that a group’s history shapes its existential experience. Ahmad Mohammadpour and Kamal Soleimani (2019) suggest that “colonial powers have used tribalism to oversimplify the multifaceted modality of diverse and heterogeneous socio-political arrangements.” While understanding history is important, the popular anonymous quote, “If you don’t heal what hurt you, you’ll bleed on people who didn’t cut you,” captures the essence of the present moment in Nigeria.
What happened prior to Nigeria’s independence and post-independence has seared ‘tribe’ into the country’s political identity, fueling a ‘survivalist mentality’ and the need to ‘stick together.’ The extensive literature on tribalism agrees that it has more severe consequences in developing societies. Individuals may covertly stay ‘primal’ and overtly exhibit ‘primal’ behaviors when any form of security in an already ‘lacking, scarce’ space is threatened. Primal: the extreme response to new and threatening situations in the interest of self-preservation.
The author recalled vividly that with over 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria is the archetype of a heterogeneous group. However, this diversity also poses a burden, as the country’s institutions and leaders need help managing the complexities of the different groups. Despite being a rich economy, Nigeria’s poverty rate is high, and its quality of life is worsening. In the lead-up to the 2023 election, Nigeria’s economic situation was volatile, with high inflation, contractionary monetary policies, and shrinking policy space, leading to a reduced purchasing power for the average Nigerian.
Tribalism exacerbates the issue, as different groups compete for scarce resources. In his article “Tribalism and Politics in Nigeria,” Walter Schwarz (1966) wrote that “it is not that different tribes dislike each other. The trouble is they are competing for scarce commodities.” Today, 56 years after his writing, resource scarcity has worsened, and the competition for what is available is even more primal. (written by Ada Umenwaliri, PhD in public policy and strategy).
The conclusion is to reproduce empirical evidence to demonstrate our understanding that President Tinubu is running his government of TRIBESMEN, which is much more dangerous than his other understanding of government and purpose of government which to him means satisfying only the interest of members of his political party which is the All Progressives Congress (APC).
As sent to me by a senior officer of the Nigerian Immigration Service (name withheld): SOME OFFICIALS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OF NIGERIA UNDER PRESIDENT TINUBU.
Mind you, this is a (non-exhaustive) list of Yorubas in the Government of President Tinubu. “YORUBA LOKAN”?
BOLA TINUBU’S FEDERAL GOVERNMENT:
- OFFICE/POSITION – President and Commander-in-Chief, Federal Republic of Nigeria. CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bola Ahmed Tinubu, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – Chief Justice of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Kudirat Motonmori Olatokunbo Kekere-Ekun, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – Chief of Army Staff, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olufemi Olatubosun Oluyede, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – Inspector General of Police, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Kayode Egbetokun, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – DG, Department of State Services, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – Commander, Brigade of Guards, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adebisi Olusola Onasanya, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – Chief of Defence Space Administration, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lanre Ibrahim Oluwatoyin, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – Commandant, National Defence College
CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olumuyiwa Morankinyo Olotu
TRIBE- Yoruba - OFFICE/POSITION – CG, Nigeria Customs Service, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bashir Adewale Adeniyi, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION – CG, Federal Fire Service, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abdulganiyu Olola Jaji, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Accountant-General of the Federation, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oluwatoyin Sakirat Madein, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olayemi Michael Cardoso, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Chairman, Economic & Financial Crimes Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olanipekun Olukoyede, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Chairman, Federal Inland Revenue Service, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Zaccheus Adelabu Adedeji, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- CCE, Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Gbenga Komolafe, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Dayo Mobereola, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Asset Management Corporation of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Gbenga Alade, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Pension Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Omolola Bridget Oloworaran, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Bureau of Public Procurement, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adebowale Adedokun, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olubunmi Oluwaseun Kuku, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Bureau of Public Enterprises, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ayodeji Ariyo Gbeleyi, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Nigeria Export Processing Zones Authority, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olufemi Ogunyemi, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Commissioner/CEO, National Insurance Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olusegun Ayo Omosehin, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Identity Management Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abisoye Coker-Odusote, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Space Research and Development Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Mathew Adepoju, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Centre for Technology Management, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olushola Odusanya, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Automotive Design and Development Council, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oluwemimo Joseph Osanipin, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Chairman, Nigerian Ports Authority Board, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adedayo Clement Adeyeye, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD, Federal Housing Authority, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oladimeji Oyetunde Ojo, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- ES, National Lottery Trust Fund, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Tosin Adeyanju, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Lottery Regulatory Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lanre Gbajabiamila, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- CEO, Nigerian Postal Service
CURRENT OCCUPANT- Omotola Odeyemi, TRIBE- Yoruba - OFFICE/POSITION- CEO, Nigeria Data Protection Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Vincent Olatunji, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO, Galaxy Backbone Limited, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ibrahim Adepoju Adeyanju, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Biosafety Management Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Agnes Yemisi Asagbra, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Agency for the Control of AIDS, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Temitope Ilori, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Mojisola Christianah Adeyeye, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- ES/CEO, National Primary Health Care Development Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Muyi Aina, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Nigeria Centre for Disease Control, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Jide Idris, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Statistician-General, National Bureau of Statistics, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adeyemi Adeniran, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- ES, National Sugar Development Council, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Kamar Bakrin, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, Advertising Regulatory Council of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lekan Fadolapo, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- EVC/CEO, Federal Competition & Consumer Protection Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olatunji Bello, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- National Coordinator, National Social Safety-Net Coordinating Office, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Funmi Olotu, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, National Sports Commission, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bukola Olawale Olopade, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG, Nigerian Tourism Development Corporation, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Folorunsho Coker, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO, National Orientation Agency, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lanre Issa-Onilu, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Registrar Surveyors Council of Nigeria. CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olakunle Olugbemiro, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- President/CEO Digital Bridge Institute, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Opeyemi Dele-Ajayi, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO Industrial Training Fund, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Oluwatoyin Afiz Ogun, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO Nigerian Institute of Medical Research, CURRENT OCCUPANT- John Oladapo Obafunwa, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG/CEO National Institute for Hospitality Tourism, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abisoye Fagade, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- National Power Training Institute of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ahmed Bolaji Nagode, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- DG National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ayo Omotayo, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Administrator/CEO Public Service Institute of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Abdul-Ganiyu Obatoyinbo, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Registrar Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Is-haq Olanrewaju Oloyede, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Registrar/CEO Teachers Registration Council of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Josiah Ajiboye, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO Nigerian Education Loan Fund, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Akintunde Sawyerr, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- ED/CEO Cocoa Research Institute of Nigeria, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Patrick Olusanmi Adebola, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- MD/CEO Nigerian Agricultural Insurance Corporation, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Folashade Joseph, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Petroleum Resources, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bola Ahmed Tinubu, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Wale Edun, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Interior, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Lateef Fagbemi, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Power, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adebayo Adelabu TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Solid Minerals Development, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Dele Alake, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Bosun Tijani, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Adegboyega Oyetola
TRIBE- Yoruba - OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Jumoke Oduwole, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of Education, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Morufu Olatunji Alausa, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister for Youth Development, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Ayodele Olawande, TRIBE- Yoruba
- OFFICE/POSITION- Minister of State, Health, CURRENT OCCUPANT- Salako Iziaq Adekunle Adeboye, TRIBE- Yoruba.
Emmanuel Onwubiko, the founder of the Human Rights Writers Association Of Nigeria (HURIWA), formerly the National Commissioner of the National Human Rights Commission of Nigeria, wrote from Abuja
By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.
So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.
For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.
Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.
Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.
As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.
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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.
Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.
But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.
The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.
Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.
Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.
The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.
If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.
The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.
But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.
I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.
The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.
Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.
But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.
So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.
The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.
The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.
Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.
AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.
Ilori is an energy analyst
In today’s high-stakes corporate and public sector leadership, performance is no longer judged by promises but by proof. Results must be tracked, decisions interrogated, and progress clearly demonstrated.
One year after Bayo Ojulari assumed office as Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC Limited, the moment calls for a clear-eyed assessment of his leadership, what has changed, what has worked and what lies ahead.
Ojulari did not arrive at a moment of calm. His appointment on April 2, 2025, came against the backdrop of mounting public skepticism and internal contradictions. The state of Nigeria’s refineries, particularly those in Port Harcourt and Warri, had become a lightning rod for debate.
Officially, they had been recommissioned after years of costly rehabilitation. Unofficially, many doubted whether those facilities were genuinely functional.
The gap between declaration and reality had become too wide to ignore, feeding a broader crisis of credibility around the national oil company. It was into this uncertainty that Ojulari stepped, confronted with a choice that often defines leadership: preserve appearances or pursue the truth.
He chose the latter, and in doing so, reset the tone of governance at NNPC. Rather than defend inherited claims, he immersed himself in the mechanics of the system, reviewing technical reports, engaging operational teams, and interrogating data. What followed was a decision as simple as it was profound: shut down the refineries. It was not the kind of move that courts applause in the short term. It disrupted narratives, unsettled expectations, and exposed uncomfortable realities. But it also sent a clear message that the era of managed optics was over. If the refineries were to work, they would work properly; if they were not, they would not be dressed up to appear otherwise. In that moment, Ojulari signaled that under his watch, transparency would not be a slogan but a practice.
That signal quickly found expression in institutional behaviour. One of his earliest moves was to restore the publication of NNPC’s monthly financial and operations reports, a transparency mechanism that had fallen into inconsistency. With their return came a renewed ability for stakeholders to track the company’s performance, production volumes, revenues, operational efficiencies, without relying on speculation. The culture of disclosure deepened further in November 2025, when NNPC Limited held its first-ever earnings call following the release of its audited 2024 financial statements. The announcement of a N5.4 trillion profit after tax captured headlines, but beyond the numbers lay a more consequential shift: the company was beginning to speak the language of accountability expected of global energy players.
Still, leadership is not measured by transparency alone. It must be weighed against clearly defined objectives, and in Ojulari’s case, those objectives were set by Bola Ahmed Tinubu with unmistakable clarity. The mandate was ambitious, raise crude oil production to two million barrels per day by 2027, scale gas output to eight billion cubic feet per day within the same timeframe, expand refining capacity, and attract tens of billions of dollars in fresh investment. It was a tall order by any standard, particularly in a sector long burdened by structural inefficiencies and external pressures.
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One year on, the evidence suggests that while the journey is far from complete, the direction has shifted. In upstream operations, Ojulari has overseen a notable increase in production through NNPC Exploration & Production Ltd. Output climbed from a daily average of 203,000 barrels in 2023 to 312,000 barrels by December 2025, with peaks reaching 355,000 barrels, the highest level recorded in decades. National production has also edged upward, moving from roughly 1.5 million barrels per day to about 1.62 million. To the uninitiated, the increment may appear modest, but within the context of Nigeria’s oil sector, where theft, vandalism, and operational disruptions have long suppressed output, it represents meaningful progress. Each additional barrel reflects not just production capacity but improved system integrity.
If oil production tells a story of recovery, gas tells one of momentum. Developments within the NNPC/Renaissance joint venture have positioned gas as a central pillar of growth, with output already hitting 2.2 billion cubic feet per day. The optimism surrounding this trajectory is not speculative. As Tony Attah of Renaissance Africa Energy Company noted, the venture has surpassed its immediate targets and is already recalibrating towards higher benchmarks. This growth is being reinforced by critical infrastructure projects.
The River Niger crossing of the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline has brought long-awaited clarity to a project that had lingered in uncertainty, while the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben pipeline is nearing completion. Together, they represent more than engineering milestones, they are the arteries through which Nigeria’s gas ambitions can flow into industrial reality.
Yet, it is in refining that Ojulari’s leadership has been most paradoxical. On paper, little progress has been made toward expanding capacity. In practice, however, his decision to shut down the refineries may prove to be one of the most consequential moves of his tenure. By refusing to perpetuate underperformance, he has created space for a more credible and sustainable approach to refining. It is a strategy that sacrifices immediacy for integrity, choosing to rebuild rather than patch.
Investment, meanwhile, has emerged as a strong pillar of his first year. The groundwork laid for the Bonga Southwest Aparo deepwater project stands out as a defining achievement. By securing presidential approval for fiscal incentives, Ojulari has effectively unlocked the pathway for a potential $20 billion investment. In a global energy landscape where capital is increasingly selective, such positioning matters. It signals to investors that Nigeria is willing to align policy with opportunity, reducing uncertainty and enhancing competitiveness.
Internally, the financial pulse of the company has also strengthened. Within a year, NNPC Limited has reportedly remitted N14.706 trillion in statutory contributions to the federal government and related agencies. This figure is not merely a reflection of earnings; it speaks to improved discipline in revenue management and a renewed commitment to fulfilling the company’s fiscal responsibilities.
Early in his tenure, Ojulari acknowledged the weight of expectations placed upon him. The targets, he admitted, were tough. One year later, that admission reads less like caution and more like context. Out of the core mandates before him, he has made substantial progress on most, while deliberately slowing down on refining to reset the foundation. It is a record that suggests not perfection, but purpose.
As he steps into his second year, the questions will grow sharper. Progress must be sustained, gains must be scaled, and early decisions must translate into lasting transformation. But if the first year has established anything, it is that Ojulari is not inclined toward easy narratives. His approach has been to confront reality, however inconvenient, and to build from there.
In that sense, his first year has not merely been about “walking the talk.” It has been about redefining what the talk should be, and backing it with action.
Ben Ekori, an energy sector expert and public affairs analyst wrote this piece from Lagos.
NEWS
Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?
As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.
The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.
According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.
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Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.
The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.
The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.
He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.
“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.
While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.
Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.
At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?
Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.
As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.
The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?
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