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Why is Bola Tinubu Hiding in London?

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Tinubu happily married can produce happy country - Singer Brymo

By Farooq A. Kperogi

Questions and concerns over Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s absence from the Nigerian public space, which has trended on Twitter for days on end, are not misplaced or ill-willed gotcha maneuvers by political detractors. They are legitimate expressions of anxieties over the fitness of a man who has the most probable chance to be Nigeria’s president in 2023.

Forget what flawed, poorly designed—and, in some cases, transparently partisan—polls say about the 2023 presidential election. The auguries, for now, favor a Tinubu win next year. Atiku Abubakar and the PDP are mired in an irrecoverably debilitating internal turmoil, and Peter Obi’s wild popularity in the Southeast, the South-South, and some parts of the Christian North is not sufficient to win a presidential election—unless it transcends these regions and leads to actual votes in his favor.

So, heightened apprehensions over Tinubu’s disappearance from public view—and at events where his presence is required— aren’t the idle, bilious indulgences of his haters that his defenders might say they are. They sprout from an acknowledgement that he could be president who will decide the destinies of 200 million Nigerians.

Tinubu happily married can produce happy country - Singer Brymo

Tinubu was the only presidential candidate who failed to show up in person when presidential candidates of Nigeria’s 18 registered political parties met on Thursday to sign an accord that commits them to a peaceful campaign in the 2023 presidential election. That event was too momentous to miss. Why did Tinubu miss it? What was more important than it, and where is he?

A member of the APC Presidential Campaign Council by the name of Ayo Oyalowo told Arise TV’s Charles Aniagolu that Tinubu is resting in London. “What’s he doing in London? He can’t rest in Lagos,” Oyalowo said. “They will not let him rest. So, he came [sic] into Abuja most of the time. They will still not let him rest. This man has been working for an average of 20 hours in 24 hours in each day. So reasonable people thought, ‘Oga, you need to leave this country because they will not let you rest.’”

This is a curious defense of Tinubu’s self-engineered blackout from public view. Even if it’s true that he needed to take a break from the high-pressure exertions of political campaigns, why did he choose to leave the country on or shortly before an event as important as the signing of a peace accord among presidential candidate, a yearly ritual since 2015 that attracts international media attention? Isn’t that a self-own?

Most importantly, though, if he becomes president, he would be under even more ponderous pressure than he is as a presidential candidate. Is Oyalowo suggesting that a President Tinubu would relocate the Nigerian presidency to London to evade or minimize the perpetual pressures of the presidency?

Which self-respecting patriot who wants to rule his country runs away from it to another country (and a former colonizer’s country, to boot) in moments of pressure? Where else in the world does that happen outside of banana republics?

And why London? Why not, for example, Obudu Ranch in Cross River State or the Yankari Game Reserve in Bauchi State? Or the hills of Iragbiji in Osun State? These are serene, idyllic places in Nigeria whose quietude can restore inner psychic equilibrium and calm frayed nerves. Why do the people who rule or want to rule Nigeria have such deep-seated resentment of and disdain for the country and a corresponding slavish reverence for our former colonizer?

In this, Tinubu is not alone. Even Peter Obi who markets himself, and is touted by his supporters, as “different” from the rest routinely travels to London to “consult” and strategize for the 2023 election—when he is not seeking the endorsement of the same failed old stagers he says he’s different from. He is an Establishment, neocolonial flunkey dressed in borrowed robes.

Atiku Abubakar is no different. He is gripped by the same xenophilic fever that causes our leaders to worship the foreign and despise the nation they want to rule. Dubai is his second—some would say first—home.

But Tinubu is the front runner and the likeliest, for now, to succeed Buhari, far and away Nigeria’s most neocolonial president who finds more comfort in London than he does in Abuja and who has abandoned all pretenses to governance.

In a September 16, 2017 column, I described Buhari as suffering from “Obsessive Compulsive Runawayism,” which I defined as the impulse to desert Nigeria for London, or anywhere else in the West, when the going gets tough, which Tinubu appears to be afflicted by, too.

“This is a president who will leave Nigeria for anywhere at the drop of a hat,” I wrote. “He spent most of 2015 and 2016 traveling the world (for no justifiable reason, in retrospect) and a good bit of [2017] on ‘medical vacation’ in London. So, when he said (or, if you will, joked) that he felt like ‘absconding’ after the enormity of the task he was elected to do stared him in the face, he wasn’t being faithful to the facts. He actually did abscond.” It got even worse after the column was published.

The worries and queries about Tinubu’s frequent habitation in London when he is needed in Nigeria are a direct consequence of our experience with Buhari who has elevated absenteeism, nonchalance, and “ungovernance” to an art.

Nigeria’s problems are too enormous to be additionally burdened with another absent, detached, inelegantly insouciant presidency, which Tinubu’s current attitudes suggest we will have should he become president.

Tinubu and his minders need to come clean about the state of his health. If they insist that he is as fit as a fiddle, they need to tell us why he has been uncommunicative in the last few months.

Communication with the public is a core feature of the American-style presidential democracy we practice in Nigeria. It is public communication that affords the president the opportunity to influence public opinion, to interface with citizens, and to frame and reframe the contours of national conversations.

That is why we now talk of the “rhetorical presidency,” where the goal of presidential communication is no longer to just persuade lawmakers (which is unnecessary in Nigeria since National Assembly members are often pliant yes-men and yes-women) but to win the popular approval of the public. What sort of presidency does Tinubu want to have if he becomes president? A continuation of Buhari? Well, he may not be as lucky as Buhari as been.

After eight years of Buhari’s vacant, dementia-plagued presidency, the last thing Nigeria needs is another presidency that will double down on it, that would be conducted through dishonest press releases by presidential spokespersons, paid social media troll farms, and TV appearances by deviously mercenary mind managers.

Happy Independence Day!

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Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?

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As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.

The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.

According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.

SEE ALSO: Edo Cracks Down on Drug Cartels, Arrests Breastfeeding Mother, Six Others

Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.

The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.

The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.

He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.

“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.

While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.

Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.

At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?

Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.

As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.

The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?

 

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Opinion/Feature

Obaseki: A Loose Cannon Fanning Global Embers of Hate

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By Fred Itua

Godwin Obaseki’s latest outburst is not a surprise. It is simply the continuation of a pattern that Edo people came to recognize too late. His years in office were marked by intolerance, vindictiveness and a violent streak that constantly simmered beneath the surface. Those who worked closely with him still carry the scars of his temperament. His former deputy, Philip Shaibu, is the most glaring example.

Whatever their disagreement may have been, no rational leader plots the humiliation and removal of a deputy he once described as a brother. Yet Obaseki manipulated every institutional lever available to him to settle a personal score, using the House of Assembly as a pawn to crush a man whose only crime was falling out of favour with the lord of Osadebe Avenue.

In October 2022, Obaseki’s hateful tendencies were expended on those he promised to serve. He supervised the demolition of roughly one hundred homes across Oke-Oroma, Irhirhi-Obazagbon and Ogheghe communities. Residents insisted they held valid documents, including Certificates of Occupancy, yet he pushed ahead in defiance of a subsisting court order that had restrained any action pending the determination of their suit. The result was devastating. Thousands were displaced and property worth billions of naira were reduced to rubble. Such a vindictive man!

Edo people saw the full extent of this violence during the 2024 governorship election when Obaseki stood before cameras and threatened that Edo would burn if his preferred candidate lost. Those words were not the empty rant of a frustrated politician. They came from a man with a history of weaponizing state power, a man whose administration armed loyalists and created networks of political enforcers who blended easily into the criminal elements that then turned their guns on innocent citizens.

ALSO READ: Edo Cracks Down on Drug Cartels, Arrests Breastfeeding Mother, Six Others

It is no coincidence that the early days of the current administration were choked with spikes in kidnapping and armed robbery. These were not random crimes. They were the desperate convulsions of an ecosystem built, funded and empowered by Obaseki himself.

Governor Monday Okpebholo has had to stabilize a state that was deliberately left volatile. Through calm leadership and quiet strength, he has managed to rein in the chaos and restore public confidence. But Obaseki, instead of retreating into reflection, has doubled down.

His recent video in Birmingham reveals a man who cannot bear the reality that Edo people have moved on. He accused Okpebholo of being “stupid”, boasted that he is mobilizing the international community against him and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and threatened that the governor “will see”.

These are not harmless statements from an angry former office holder. They are calculated threats from someone who has never hidden his desire to destabilize Edo State whenever power slips from his grip.

He claims that a governor from Irrua cannot dictate to people in Benin. That remark alone exposes the dangerous tribal undertone of his politics. For eight years, he exploited ethnic sentiment to divide communities and isolate opponents. Now, he is attempting to ignite the same divisive flame against a governor who has only focused on governance, inclusiveness and development.

Obaseki’s language in that video is not only reckless, it is incendiary. It hints at an attempt to stir resentment, inflame divisions and rally hostility toward a government that is working hard to rebuild the damage he left behind.

His recent globe-trotting under the guise of “meet and greet” is now clearer for what it is: an effort to secure foreign sympathy, funding and legitimacy for a domestic political battle he has already lost. When a former governor openly brags about mobilizing the diaspora and the global community against the current leadership of his own state, it raises valid questions about intent.

What exactly does he need international pressure for? Why is he desperately trying to create a narrative of crisis where none exists? And who are the people he hopes to recruit from abroad? Edo people have not forgotten that this same man once threatened to burn down Nigeria during an election.

They have not forgotten that his private “security structure” terrorized communities under the cloak of political loyalty. They understand the implications of a former governor seeking global support while trading in fear and hostility.

The uncomfortable truth is that Obaseki’s comments suggest a willingness to collaborate with external actors to undermine the peace of Edo State. A man who once equipped foot soldiers and political enforcers is now boasting about global mobilization.

The link is not far-fetched. His post-tenure travel pattern, sudden desperation and inflammatory rhetoric open the possibility that he is seeking funds or tacit support to revive the political machinery that once served him; a machinery that slipped into criminality after he left office. Edo cannot afford to overlook this. A man who once used threats to bend institutions is now using threats to intimidate a sitting governor.

And yet, despite Obaseki’s attempt to twist reality, Monday Okpebholo has not threatened him. He has not weaponized ethnicity. He has not responded with abuse. All he has done is to remind the public that the records of Obaseki’s misrule are there for anyone to examine.

The refusal to swear in duly-elected lawmakers. The manipulation of the Assembly to serve private interests. The unprecedented decision to withhold the swearing-in of judges recommended by the National Judicial Council. The demolition of the central hospital without providing a viable alternative for ordinary people. These actions were not just bad governance; they were the height of arrogance and indifference to the people he claimed to represent.

It is ironic that Obaseki now accuses others of threatening him when his own record is littered with acts that undermined the wellbeing of Edo people. His fear is not Governor Okpebholo. His fear is accountability. His fear is that the fog of propaganda can no longer cover the damage he inflicted on institutions, communities and public trust. And so he runs abroad to find new allies, hoping that distance will distort the truth.

His attacks on Governor Okpebholo’s loyalty to President Bola Tinubu are even more revealing. By insisting that Okpebholo should not deliver votes to the President, Obaseki exposes the bitterness that comes from losing political relevance. But governance is not about ego. Performance is what earns support. And Okpebholo’s quiet but consistent reforms across infrastructure, security, social welfare and public administration already place him miles ahead of the eight years of stagnation that Obaseki left behind. Edo people are not blind. They know who is working. They know who listens. They know who respects them. No amount of foreign posturing will change that.

Obaseki’s latest rant is a dangerous escalation from a man struggling to remain politically relevant. It is an open threat to peace and a signal that he is willing to drag Edo into conflict just to nurse his bruised pride. Edo people and the federal government must treat this with the seriousness it deserves. A former governor openly encouraging dissent abroad while tribalizing politics at home is a security concern. His record, his words and his behavior suggest that he is not acting alone.

The time has come for security agencies to take Obaseki’s latest comments and conduct seriously. His public threats, global mobilization and divisive rhetoric raise red flags that cannot be ignored. A thorough probe is needed to determine the intent behind his statements and the networks he is attempting to activate.

His known supporters, online loyalists and political enforcers must be properly profiled and monitored to ensure they do not undermine the peace Edo State is currently enjoying. Edo cannot afford to slip back into instability, and every institution responsible for protecting public safety must act decisively before words escalate into something more dangerous.

Fred Itua, the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo wrote from Benin City, Edo State

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Opinion/Feature

For the Records … Revocation of CofO of Presco Plc

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I have received calls, messages and other inquiries regarding the revocation of the CofO of Presco Plc by Governor Monday Okpebholo. The Secretary to State Government, Barr. Umar Musa Ikhilor, has robustly explained the issues.

Unfortunately, some folks, for obvious reasons, are still yearning for more answers. I’ll explain the facts and I hope this helps.

It has been established that the published Revocation Notice didn’t pass through the appropriate channels. Again, the actual number of hectares intended for excision from Presco Plc’s total landholding was grossly misrepresented in the published text.

For clarity, the Edo State Government has not revoked Presco Plc’s Statutory Right of Occupancy. What was under technical consideration was the excision of approximately 20 hectares—a clearly defined area—strictly limited to the portions of land containing strategic crude oil wells.

This excision became necessary because no individual or company can lawfully exercise proprietary rights over land where mineral resources are located, as such resources are vested exclusively in the Federal Government.

Section 44(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended) provides that:

“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions of this section, the entire property in and control of all minerals, mineral oils and natural gas in, under or upon any land in Nigeria shall vest in the Government of the Federation…”

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Section 1 of the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021 similarly states that:

“…the entire ownership and control of all petroleum in, under or upon any lands in Nigeria shall be vested in the State (Federal Government)…”

Section 28 of the Land Use Act (1978) empowers government to revoke rights of occupancy strictly for overriding public interest, which includes matters relating to mineral exploitation.

The Edo State Government advises the general public, stakeholders, and Presco Plc to disregard the notice in its entirety.

Meanwhile, Governor Monday Okpebholo has initiated a formal administrative review to strengthen internal controls to prevent future breaches.

The administration of Governor Monday Okpebholo reiterates its commitment to transparent land administration, orderly engagement with investors, and the protection of public interest, particularly in matters involving national strategic assets such as oil and gas assets.

So, my people, no cause for alarm.

Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State.

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