Opinion/Feature
Osun: BVAS And The Misconception About The Technology
By Sarafa Ibrahim
Since his loss at the July 16 governorship election in Osun state, Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola and his party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) have embarked on moves to challenge the integrity of the outcome and have the results announced by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) upturned.
They alleged before the Election Petition Tribunal that the election was marred by over-voting in 749 polling units and that the winner, Governor Ademola Adeleke, forged his certificate and was not qualified to participate in the election.
But has failed so far to establish any of the allegations raised before closing its case at the Tribunal. This must, however, be the reason for the fresh attempt to confuse the public by twisting the facts on Bimodial Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) in the latest article by Mr. Ismail Omipidan, the spokesman to Oyetola.
For the purpose of education, BVAS was an intervention by the electoral umpire to ensure that ballots cast in elections are actually valid and free of manipulation. Before its introduction, politicians easily abuse the use of incidence forms to award votes to themselves as there was no clear mechanism to validate that voters whose names appeared on the list were actually the ones who did cast the ballots ascribed to them.
With BVAS, only verified voters by the machine are allowed to vote, making it practically impossible for rigging elections. This was exactly what happened in the July 16 governorship election, which ended up producing Senator Ademola Adeleke as the winner of the poll after all ballots had been counted.
Now, to the question of over-voting raised by Oyetola and the APC. By law and logic, over-voting arises when the number of votes recorded in a polling unit exceeded the number of voters accredited in the said unit. But the basis of Oyetola and the APC claim rests on a BVAS report, which the INEC has dismissed as inaccurate.
According to the electoral umpire, the BVAS report being bandied around by Oyetola and the APC contained ‘incomplete and unsynchronized’ data, and so did not reflect the correct data of accreditations in the contested polling units. What this goes to suggest was that the claim of over-voting by the APC and Oyetola rests on faulty data, and that makes it unfounded.
A clear inference can be drawn from the inconsistencies that riddled the testimony of the two witnesses put forward by the APC and Oyetola at the Tribunal. In the first instance, Mr. Olanrewaju Isiaka, who was presented to the panel as a star witness by the petitioner’s counsel, conceded to the fact that the BVAS report is a secondary source of data.
What that admission clearly portrayed was that the data on a BVAS report must have come from a source, which in this case, was the BVAS machines. The BVAS machines were the device used at the various polling units to capture accreditation data and pass it on to the server in far away Abuja, where the BVAS report was generated from.
This simply implies that the BVAS machines are the primary source of data for accreditation and hold more weight in substantiating any claim of over-voting than the data that is sourced through a server. While I have no intention of dismissing the data on the server outrightly, the explanation of the INEC on the BVAS report in the possession of the APC is unambiguous and clear enough to understand.
For the benefit of those who may not know how these things work, the BVAS machines accredit voters and transmit the data to a central server of the INEC at its headquarters in Abuja. Mind you, the transmission is subject to the availability of the network, which the witness of the APC and Oyetola, acknowledged at the Tribunal, raising the likelihood of synchronization of the data at a point.
By synchronization, it means causing a set of files or data on one computer or device to be the same as on the other. In plain terms, making sure that the data on the BVAS machines are the same as the ones on the INEC server. That was exactly what the INEC did that the APC and Oyetola have tried endlessly to paint as unusual. In fact, it is something we experience regularly with our devices, making the hues of Oyetola and his party unnecessary.
You may have at a point received an incomplete message on your phone and after few hours or days, the broken part of the message is restored to your phone. What happened in the process that made the message complete as sent from the source is synchronization, which ensures that the message on your phone correspond with the message sent by the sender.
If the APC and Oyetola are convinced about their claim of over-voting, they have the BVAS machines readily available to prove it. Because unlike the data on the server, which is susceptible to hacking and network delays, the BVAS machines hold the primary data on every accreditation done for the election. By running away from it, and choosing a BVAS report that the maker of the document had openly dismissed as incorrect, showed the mischievous intent of APC and Oyetola to manipulate its way to power as it did in 2018.
This is why I find the question of Mr. Omipidan on why the INEC went ahead to announce the outcome of the July 16 governorship election when it is yet to synchronize the data on accreditation, funny. The position of the law on making a return for an election is very clear, and no part of either the Constitution or the Electoral Act supported his (Omipidan) position on the declaration of election results.
Section 62 of the Electoral Act, which faintly refers to server of a sort, centers on the Post-election procedure, meaning that whatever is contained in the server report, the BVAS machine itself, and the Form EC8A are the primary result platform. Even more, the section stipulates for the INEC to “MAINTAIN and UPDATE, on a continuous basis, a register of election results…” which goes to sanction the action of the electoral umpire to synchronize data on its server to make it consistent with what is on the BVAS machines.
Ibrahim Sarafa is a Public Affairs Analyst and writes from Osogbo, Osun state. He can be reached via his Twitter handle @SarafaNgr or email: neyoclass09@gmail.com
NEWS
Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?
As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.
The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.
According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.
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Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.
The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.
The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.
He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.
“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.
While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.
Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.
At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?
Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.
As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.
The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?
Opinion/Feature
Obaseki: A Loose Cannon Fanning Global Embers of Hate
By Fred Itua
Godwin Obaseki’s latest outburst is not a surprise. It is simply the continuation of a pattern that Edo people came to recognize too late. His years in office were marked by intolerance, vindictiveness and a violent streak that constantly simmered beneath the surface. Those who worked closely with him still carry the scars of his temperament. His former deputy, Philip Shaibu, is the most glaring example.
Whatever their disagreement may have been, no rational leader plots the humiliation and removal of a deputy he once described as a brother. Yet Obaseki manipulated every institutional lever available to him to settle a personal score, using the House of Assembly as a pawn to crush a man whose only crime was falling out of favour with the lord of Osadebe Avenue.
In October 2022, Obaseki’s hateful tendencies were expended on those he promised to serve. He supervised the demolition of roughly one hundred homes across Oke-Oroma, Irhirhi-Obazagbon and Ogheghe communities. Residents insisted they held valid documents, including Certificates of Occupancy, yet he pushed ahead in defiance of a subsisting court order that had restrained any action pending the determination of their suit. The result was devastating. Thousands were displaced and property worth billions of naira were reduced to rubble. Such a vindictive man!
Edo people saw the full extent of this violence during the 2024 governorship election when Obaseki stood before cameras and threatened that Edo would burn if his preferred candidate lost. Those words were not the empty rant of a frustrated politician. They came from a man with a history of weaponizing state power, a man whose administration armed loyalists and created networks of political enforcers who blended easily into the criminal elements that then turned their guns on innocent citizens.
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It is no coincidence that the early days of the current administration were choked with spikes in kidnapping and armed robbery. These were not random crimes. They were the desperate convulsions of an ecosystem built, funded and empowered by Obaseki himself.
Governor Monday Okpebholo has had to stabilize a state that was deliberately left volatile. Through calm leadership and quiet strength, he has managed to rein in the chaos and restore public confidence. But Obaseki, instead of retreating into reflection, has doubled down.
His recent video in Birmingham reveals a man who cannot bear the reality that Edo people have moved on. He accused Okpebholo of being “stupid”, boasted that he is mobilizing the international community against him and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and threatened that the governor “will see”.
These are not harmless statements from an angry former office holder. They are calculated threats from someone who has never hidden his desire to destabilize Edo State whenever power slips from his grip.
He claims that a governor from Irrua cannot dictate to people in Benin. That remark alone exposes the dangerous tribal undertone of his politics. For eight years, he exploited ethnic sentiment to divide communities and isolate opponents. Now, he is attempting to ignite the same divisive flame against a governor who has only focused on governance, inclusiveness and development.
Obaseki’s language in that video is not only reckless, it is incendiary. It hints at an attempt to stir resentment, inflame divisions and rally hostility toward a government that is working hard to rebuild the damage he left behind.
His recent globe-trotting under the guise of “meet and greet” is now clearer for what it is: an effort to secure foreign sympathy, funding and legitimacy for a domestic political battle he has already lost. When a former governor openly brags about mobilizing the diaspora and the global community against the current leadership of his own state, it raises valid questions about intent.
What exactly does he need international pressure for? Why is he desperately trying to create a narrative of crisis where none exists? And who are the people he hopes to recruit from abroad? Edo people have not forgotten that this same man once threatened to burn down Nigeria during an election.
They have not forgotten that his private “security structure” terrorized communities under the cloak of political loyalty. They understand the implications of a former governor seeking global support while trading in fear and hostility.
The uncomfortable truth is that Obaseki’s comments suggest a willingness to collaborate with external actors to undermine the peace of Edo State. A man who once equipped foot soldiers and political enforcers is now boasting about global mobilization.
The link is not far-fetched. His post-tenure travel pattern, sudden desperation and inflammatory rhetoric open the possibility that he is seeking funds or tacit support to revive the political machinery that once served him; a machinery that slipped into criminality after he left office. Edo cannot afford to overlook this. A man who once used threats to bend institutions is now using threats to intimidate a sitting governor.
And yet, despite Obaseki’s attempt to twist reality, Monday Okpebholo has not threatened him. He has not weaponized ethnicity. He has not responded with abuse. All he has done is to remind the public that the records of Obaseki’s misrule are there for anyone to examine.
The refusal to swear in duly-elected lawmakers. The manipulation of the Assembly to serve private interests. The unprecedented decision to withhold the swearing-in of judges recommended by the National Judicial Council. The demolition of the central hospital without providing a viable alternative for ordinary people. These actions were not just bad governance; they were the height of arrogance and indifference to the people he claimed to represent.
It is ironic that Obaseki now accuses others of threatening him when his own record is littered with acts that undermined the wellbeing of Edo people. His fear is not Governor Okpebholo. His fear is accountability. His fear is that the fog of propaganda can no longer cover the damage he inflicted on institutions, communities and public trust. And so he runs abroad to find new allies, hoping that distance will distort the truth.
His attacks on Governor Okpebholo’s loyalty to President Bola Tinubu are even more revealing. By insisting that Okpebholo should not deliver votes to the President, Obaseki exposes the bitterness that comes from losing political relevance. But governance is not about ego. Performance is what earns support. And Okpebholo’s quiet but consistent reforms across infrastructure, security, social welfare and public administration already place him miles ahead of the eight years of stagnation that Obaseki left behind. Edo people are not blind. They know who is working. They know who listens. They know who respects them. No amount of foreign posturing will change that.
Obaseki’s latest rant is a dangerous escalation from a man struggling to remain politically relevant. It is an open threat to peace and a signal that he is willing to drag Edo into conflict just to nurse his bruised pride. Edo people and the federal government must treat this with the seriousness it deserves. A former governor openly encouraging dissent abroad while tribalizing politics at home is a security concern. His record, his words and his behavior suggest that he is not acting alone.
The time has come for security agencies to take Obaseki’s latest comments and conduct seriously. His public threats, global mobilization and divisive rhetoric raise red flags that cannot be ignored. A thorough probe is needed to determine the intent behind his statements and the networks he is attempting to activate.
His known supporters, online loyalists and political enforcers must be properly profiled and monitored to ensure they do not undermine the peace Edo State is currently enjoying. Edo cannot afford to slip back into instability, and every institution responsible for protecting public safety must act decisively before words escalate into something more dangerous.
Fred Itua, the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo wrote from Benin City, Edo State
Opinion/Feature
For the Records … Revocation of CofO of Presco Plc
I have received calls, messages and other inquiries regarding the revocation of the CofO of Presco Plc by Governor Monday Okpebholo. The Secretary to State Government, Barr. Umar Musa Ikhilor, has robustly explained the issues.
Unfortunately, some folks, for obvious reasons, are still yearning for more answers. I’ll explain the facts and I hope this helps.
It has been established that the published Revocation Notice didn’t pass through the appropriate channels. Again, the actual number of hectares intended for excision from Presco Plc’s total landholding was grossly misrepresented in the published text.
For clarity, the Edo State Government has not revoked Presco Plc’s Statutory Right of Occupancy. What was under technical consideration was the excision of approximately 20 hectares—a clearly defined area—strictly limited to the portions of land containing strategic crude oil wells.
This excision became necessary because no individual or company can lawfully exercise proprietary rights over land where mineral resources are located, as such resources are vested exclusively in the Federal Government.
Section 44(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended) provides that:
“Notwithstanding the foregoing provisions of this section, the entire property in and control of all minerals, mineral oils and natural gas in, under or upon any land in Nigeria shall vest in the Government of the Federation…”
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Section 1 of the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021 similarly states that:
“…the entire ownership and control of all petroleum in, under or upon any lands in Nigeria shall be vested in the State (Federal Government)…”
Section 28 of the Land Use Act (1978) empowers government to revoke rights of occupancy strictly for overriding public interest, which includes matters relating to mineral exploitation.
The Edo State Government advises the general public, stakeholders, and Presco Plc to disregard the notice in its entirety.
Meanwhile, Governor Monday Okpebholo has initiated a formal administrative review to strengthen internal controls to prevent future breaches.
The administration of Governor Monday Okpebholo reiterates its commitment to transparent land administration, orderly engagement with investors, and the protection of public interest, particularly in matters involving national strategic assets such as oil and gas assets.
So, my people, no cause for alarm.
Fred Itua is the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State.






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