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The Pathfinder’s Saddle: Okpebholo Leads Edo’s Renewal Charge

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In this perspective, Fred Itua, asserts that, just ten months, a steady captain has charted new pathways in agriculture, education, healthcare, and security, steering Edo toward a horizon of hope.

Ten months is not a lifetime in the history of a people, yet it is long enough for a new rhythm to settle, for the tone of leadership to be felt, and for the stirrings of change to take root.

When Governor Monday Okpebholo assumed office, the mood in Edo was one of cautious expectation.

The people yearned for a leader who would not only carry the title but also embody the responsibility, who would not only sit in Osadebey Avenue but would walk in the streets, listen to voices in the markets, and feel the pulse of rural communities.

Ten months on, the whispers across the state are beginning to converge into a common refrain, that something has shifted, that there is a different kind of leadership in play, and that the new man at the saddle has quietly begun to redefine governance in Edo State.

What strikes the observer is not flamboyance or noise but an unpretentious commitment to work. Governor Okpebholo has, in many ways, refused to be carried away by the trappings of office. He has embraced a style that is disarmingly simple yet firmly effective, one that seeks to connect more than it commands, and listens more than it lectures.

This has endeared him to the ordinary people, those who long ago grew weary of grand promises that ended up as footnotes. In these ten months, he has shown that governance can be stripped of excess drama and redirected toward impact.

Roads that had become nightmares of commuters have been rehabilitated; communities previously left in the shadows are beginning to feel the presence of government; and the focus on critical infrastructure, though far from complete, has started to create fresh conversations about possibilities in Edo.

Perhaps the most captivating part of these ten months is not in the projects themselves but in the spirit they have awakened. There is a sense that government is returning to the people, that leadership is no longer about distance and aloofness but about presence and engagement.

Market women talk about a governor who visits without warning; students speak of opportunities opening up; civil servants describe an environment less stifled by bureaucracy and more motivated by accountability. These are not yet the sweeping transformations of a long tenure, but they are the early signs of a different story being written.

It is in agriculture that the governor made his first bold stroke, and the story is best told not in figures but in images. In Etsako, one sees bulldozers ploughing through overgrown land, transforming bush into vast stretches of farmland ready for cultivation.

In Ovia, clusters of women in wrappers and headscarves gather under trees, discussing how to form cooperatives to gain access to the new 3,000 hectares allotted for farming in each senatorial district.

In Esan, a young farmer who once struggled to rent a small piece of land for cassava now looks out over acres cleared by government tractors, his eyes shining with possibilities. This is not politics as usual; this is agriculture as empowerment, a practical attempt to feed the state, reduce dependency, and give dignity back to rural communities.

Education, long a sore spot for Edo families, was another frontier where the governor rolled up his sleeves. Instead of hiding behind reports, he embarked on a school tour that took him from one community to another, peering into classrooms, sitting on broken desks, and speaking directly to teachers and pupils.

In Benin, a headmistress recalls the shock of seeing the governor walk into her school unannounced, observing leaky roofs and crumbling walls. “For the first time, someone came to see, not just to talk,” she said. From that exercise came the resolve to rebuild and rehabilitate schools, starting with the most dilapidated.

The governor also recalibrated the much-publicised EdoBEST programme of his predecessor. While EdoBEST had won applause abroad, many teachers at home complained of its gaps. Okpebholo doubled down, plugging those gaps, ensuring that children had not just tablets and slogans but also safe classrooms, trained instructors, and learning tools.

Today, in parts of Esanland, children who once studied under trees now sit in newly roofed classrooms, their laughter echoing against fresh walls, a reminder that education is more than policy — it is lived reality.

If agriculture is feeding the future and education is shaping it, infrastructure is the backbone that makes both possible. Governor Okpebholo has not shied away from this reality. In Benin City, commuters now speak with relief about stretches of the Benin–Ekpoma road that once swallowed vehicles in gullies but have since been rehabilitated.

In Auchi, traders note how the resurfacing of inner-city roads has revived night markets once abandoned for fear of accidents. Rural communities in Orhionmwon recall the governor’s intervention in long-forgotten feeder roads that now link farmers to markets.

Even federal roads, long neglected and left to the slow grind of Abuja’s bureaucracy, are receiving attention under his watch. Okpebholo has chosen not to fold his arms while his people suffer.

Instead, he has taken responsibility, deploying resources to fix portions of the Benin–Auchi highway and other federal routes, easing the pains of thousands of daily travellers. “These roads are our people’s lifelines,” he remarked in one community meeting, underscoring that to him, governance is not about excuses but about solutions.

Bridges in Oredo and stormwater projects in parts of Benin are no longer just lines in a budget but works in progress visible to the eye. Streetlights flicker to life at dusk along key arteries, a sign that the city is reclaiming its nights from darkness.

These may not yet be the mega projects of glossy billboards, but for the people who walk, trade, and live along these corridors, they are the foundations of renewal.

Healthcare followed a similar trajectory. The governor ordered a full-scale assessment of all primary health care centres in the state, and what was discovered was sobering: buildings without roofs, centres without medicines, clinics where midwives worked with little more than goodwill.

From that moment, a phased renovation began. In a health centre in Uromi, a nurse who once delivered babies in candlelight now smiles as solar panels power her ward. In Akoko-Edo, elderly villagers speak with gratitude of regular outreach visits and stocked dispensaries.

For mothers in Ovia, the difference is striking: a centre once deserted is now open, clean, and equipped. These are not hospitals meant for ribbon-cutting ceremonies; these are centres where life begins safely, where illness is treated with dignity, where healthcare is restored to the people.

But perhaps nowhere has the governor’s resolve been more tested than in the area of security. Edo has known the scourge of cultism and the menace of kidnapping. These two monsters threatened to steal the shine from the state, casting a shadow over its industrious youth and vibrant communities.

Okpebholo chose to fight back, not with mere rhetoric but with decisive measures. Security agencies were strengthened with new patrol vehicles, motorcycles, and logistical support. Vigilante groups were incorporated into a broader security framework.

Laws were invoked and enforced with unusual firmness. In Benin, young men who once terrorised streets under the cover of cult groups are finding their activities curtailed. In Auchi, a vigilante leader speaks proudly of how police response has improved since the arrival of new patrol vehicles.

In Uromi, families recall a chilling wave of kidnappings now checked by coordinated patrols. Slowly but surely, fear is giving way to confidence, and communities are beginning to reclaim their peace.

Beyond bricks, mortar, and asphalt, Okpebholo has also turned his gaze to the invisible foundations of governance — the rules that determine how money is spent. Procurement, once a murky process riddled with suspicion, is being reshaped into a beacon of transparency.

Anchored on the Edo State Public Procurement Law 2020, the governor has strengthened the Edo State Public Procurement Agency, insisting that every kobo spent must reflect value for the people. Officers with vested interests are now compelled to recuse themselves, eliminating collusion and contract inflation.

Contractor registration is automated, an online portal is underway, and contracts are being broken into smaller lots to give small and medium enterprises a fair chance. In this new order, governance is no longer a closed shop for the well-connected; it is an open marketplace where fairness, accountability, and value-for-money guide the process. Okpebholo has made it clear: corruption will find no hiding place under his watch.

But perhaps the boldest strokes of renewal are being drawn within the civil service itself — the engine room of governance. For decades, Edo workers had known a system where promotions stalled, pensions lingered, and dignity was outsourced.

Okpebholo is changing that story. Within nine months, his administration absorbed over 4,000 EdoSTAR teachers into permanent employment, recruited more than 1,300 health workers, and employed agricultural extension officers to strengthen the backbone of rural development. He went further, ending outsourced cleaning contracts and directly employing 1,000 cleaners into the civil service — an act that restored both job security and human dignity.

Salaries now come promptly on or before the 26th of every month, with a 13th-month wage paid in December, and Edo stands tall among only three states in Nigeria paying a ₦75,000 minimum wage. Pensioners, too, now breathe easier, as ₦300 million is released monthly for gratuities, alongside ₦1 billion dedicated to clearing arrears dating back more than a decade.

For the first time in years, civil servants in Edo speak not of frustration but of pride, as the service regains its identity, complete with a Civil Service Anthem, a new dress code, and an institutionalized Civil Service Week. It is, in every sense, a rebirth of the workforce that powers governance.

What binds all these interventions together is the governor’s leadership style — understated, humble, yet quietly firm. He is not the type to drown his people in speeches. Instead, he walks into markets unannounced, listens to traders, asks farmers about their challenges, and speaks to teachers without protocol.

A market woman in Ring Road once described him as “the governor who doesn’t shout.” Civil servants talk of a work environment less stifled by intimidation, more infused with fairness. Teachers say he listens, farmers say he acts, and health workers say he shows up. This accessibility has become the heartbeat of his administration, bridging the distance between government and governed.

Ten months is not a lifetime, and it is too early to etch legacies in stone. Yet, it is long enough to sense direction. And in Edo today, the direction is unmistakable. It is seen in green farms where bush once grew wild. It is felt in classrooms where children no longer sit on bare floors.

It is lived in clinics where mothers no longer travel hours to deliver their babies. It is heard in communities where gunshots of cult gangs no longer drown out the laughter of youth. It is the story of a governor who, without fanfare, is weaving hope back into the fabric of Edo.

Ten months may be too early to etch legacies in stone, but it is long enough to sense direction. And in Governor Monday Okpebholo, Edo has found a leader who, without theatrics, is charting a course of hope. He is proving that leadership need not be deaf, that politics need not be distant, and that the office of governor can once again feel like the office of the people.

In the years to come, Edo will measure his tenure not just by the kilometers of roads built or the schools rehabilitated, but by this renewed confidence that government can indeed be about service, that leadership can once again inspire trust, and that the covenant between ruler and ruled can still be honoured.

Ten months have passed, and already, the once-cautious expectations are giving way to something sturdier: belief. Belief that the governor’s simplicity is strength, belief that his listening is leadership, and belief that Edo is on the cusp of a story worth telling for generations.

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The journey is still young, and challenges remain. There will be obstacles ahead, and the true test of leadership lies not only in beginnings but in endurance. But as Edo looks back on the first ten months of Governor Monday Okpebholo, the people see not a man overwhelmed by the saddle but one firmly gripping the reins, guiding the state with calm, clarity, and compassion.

The verdict, whispered in markets and spoken in villages, is already clear: this is governance not for the gallery but for the people, not about noise but about substance. Edo has begun a new chapter, and the story, though still unfolding, is already compelling.

Itua, the Chief Press Secretary to Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State, wrote from Benin City

Opinion/Feature

Nigeria Can’t Achieve Electoral Reforms Without Effective Democracy Communication

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NASS shuts down main entrance gate for reconstruction work

By Audu Liberty Oseni, PhD

Conversations around Nigeria’s electoral reform focus mainly on electoral laws, institutions, technology, and the credibility of elections. While these are central and fundamental, a deeper dimension that must be at the centre of the conversation has emerged in my research.

My study, “Democracy Communication and Citizens’ Perceptions of Political Trust and Democratic Legitimacy in Nigeria,” examined how democracy communication shapes citizens’ perceptions of political trust and democratic legitimacy.

Relying on qualitative data collected through Focus Group Discussions and Key Informant Interviews across 12 Local Government Areas in Abuja and Lagos, the study showed that democracy communication plays a central role in how citizens understand and engage with democracy. Citizens engage with the core principles of democracy, including free, fair and credible elections, rule of law, separation of powers, participatory decision-making, accountability, as well as fair and equitable representation, through communication.

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The study further revealed that citizens who show a stronger preference for participatory democracy communication are those who have experienced dialogue-based engagement.

This is because participation, inclusion, collective decision-making and accountability are not external to communities. They are rooted in people’s socio-cultural systems of indigenous knowledge used for social interaction and collective decision-making.

Citizens showed an understanding of what strengthens and erodes trust in democratic institutions in all 12 Local Government Areas studied. Their dealing with democracy was conditional. They would be more willing to engage and support democracy and democratic institutions when accountability, participation and responsiveness are present, whereas they disengage when distrust rises and dominates.

These findings reveal central and fundamental issues. Citizens actively evaluate, negotiate and respond to how democracy is communicated and practiced; they are not mere passive recipients of democracy. Despite this, a significant mismatch between institutional communication and citizens’ preferences exists. The reliance of government and political institutions on top-down communication is a dominant practice.

A preference for communication that allows citizens to ask questions, deliberate, negotiate, contribute, and influence decisions was strongly expressed. Democratic communication is seen as more credible and legitimate, especially when facilitated through trusted local community structures.

This has profound implications for electoral reforms. Nigeria cannot achieve electoral reforms while communicating with citizens as though they are merely an audience. Electoral reforms are not only about changing laws or introducing technology. The citizens must understand the reforms, participate in the conversations, question them, have opportunities to influence implementation, and must be able to hold institutions accountable.

This is why this study argues that electoral reforms are largely ‘a communication process’. Electoral credibility and service delivery are not the only factors that determine citizens’ support for democracy. Communication processes that create opportunities for dialogue, negotiation, and meaningful participation in governance shape citizens’ support for democracy.

The understanding of democracy should not be based on its assessment as a system of institutions and procedures; it is also an ongoing communicative relationship between the state and her citizens.

Nigeria must reposition democracy communication from a peripheral activity to a central pillar of her democratic practice and electoral reform. Political actors, electoral institutions and policymakers must champion the institutionalization of participatory democracy. These communication processes enable citizens to engage, deliberate, negotiate and co-create solutions to governance challenges.

If we Nigerians want electoral reforms that citizens trust, understand and own, we must embrace communication. A means by which we stop communicating to citizens and start communicating with them. We cannot achieve electoral reforms without effective “Democracy Communication”.

Oseni, Director, Centre for Development Communication (CDC), sent this via email – [email protected]

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Opinion/Feature

Unlocking NPFL’s Market Value, Potential (1)

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By Andrew Ekejiuba
The Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL) possesses all the ingredients required to become one of Africa’s most valuable domestic football competitions.

With a population exceeding 230 million people, an enormous football-loving fan base, fierce regional rivalries, an abundance of talented players, and a rapidly expanding digital audience, Nigeria has a foundation that many leagues across the continent can only aspire to.

Yet, despite these enormous advantages, the commercial value of the country’s elite league remains far below its true potential.

Unlocking this value requires a fundamental shift in how NPFL clubs are managed. Clubs must stop operating merely as football teams and begin functioning as professional sports businesses. Unfortunately, many NPFL clubs continue to run as extensions of government ministries rather than commercially driven organizations. This governance model has significantly hindered both the growth of the clubs and the development of the league itself.

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Every NPFL club should have a Board with competent professionals overseeing strategic decisions and policies. Equally important is the appointment of qualified Chief Executive Officers, Commercial Directors, Marketing Managers, Digital Media Teams, Fan Engagement Officers, and Business Development Executives.

All these are necessary because sustainable football success is built on strong institutions, not merely on performances on the pitch.

It has been revealed that most government-owned NPFL clubs rely almost entirely on state government funding despite the potential to generate incremental revenues annually. This dependency creates numerous challenges, including unstable financing, political interference, weak accountability, and little motivation to generate independent revenue. Such a structure inevitably limits innovation and commercial growth.

To become financially sustainable, clubs must progressively diversify their revenue streams through sponsorships, merchandising, hospitality services, membership programmes, ticket sales, academy transfers, digital subscriptions, media content, and other commercial initiatives. All these can be achieved through verifiable metrics and analytics that are attractive to various local and international partners. Government ownership, where it exists, should target direct intervention in key strategic areas and create a conducive environment that will facilitate the accelerated growth and development of the Clubs.

Another significant opportunity lies in building stronger club brands.

Although many NPFL clubs boast rich histories and passionate supporters, their brand identities remain underdeveloped. Every club should possess a clearly recognizable identity defined by its colours, logo, slogan, traditions, legends, and deep community roots.

Successful football clubs across the world sell identity before they sell football. Supporters do not merely buy tickets—they buy belongings. Consequently, every NPFL club should invest in a consistent visual identity, professionally managed websites, vibrant social media platforms, documentaries, podcasts, player profiles, and well-preserved historical archives. Football fans connect with stories just as much as they celebrate trophies.

Equally important is improving the matchday experience. Many NPFL venues still struggle with poor seating arrangements, inadequate parking facilities, poor sanitation, limited food and beverage options, weak security, and insufficient entertainment before and after matches. A football match should be an event that supporters eagerly anticipate, not simply ninety minutes of action. Creating enjoyable and memorable matchday experiences will strengthen emotional attachment between clubs and their supporters while increasing attendance and spending.

Digital media also presents one of the greatest opportunities for unlocking the league’s commercial value. Today’s football audience increasingly consumes content on mobile phones and digital platforms long before watching matches on television. Consequently, clubs must invest heavily in digital content creation.

Media departments should consistently produce engaging content, including training sessions, behind-the-scenes footage, player interviews, tactical analysis, academy updates, fan competitions, historical features, documentaries, and interactive social media campaigns. Around the world, digital engagement has become a significant source of commercial revenue through advertising, sponsorships, subscriptions, and fan monetization. The NPFL cannot afford to be left behind.
Another area requiring strategic attention is player development and transfers. Evidence from several emerging football leagues shows that player trading can become a major source of sustainable income when properly managed. Nigeria continues to produce exceptional football talent, yet too many players leave for relatively insignificant transfer fees.

NPFL clubs should strengthen their youth academies, offer longer-term contracts to promising players, improve scouting networks, negotiate favourable sell-on clauses, secure development compensation rights, and create attractive welfare packages to retain outstanding talent for longer periods. European clubs such as Red Bull Salzburg and Genk have built highly successful business models around player development and strategic transfers, an approach worthy of emulation.

In addition, club licensing regulations should enforce the requirement for every NPFL club to own and operate a functional youth academy that consistently feeds the first team. Such academies reduce recruitment costs, reinforce club identity, generate future transfer income, and strengthen community engagement. Beyond football, these academies should prioritize education, nutrition, sports science, psychology, and life-skills training to ensure the holistic development of young athletes.

Finally, clubs must begin to view their stadiums as commercial assets capable of generating revenue year-round, not merely on matchdays. Properly managed stadiums can host concerts, conferences, exhibitions, restaurants, museums, gyms, club shops, guided tours, and corporate events while also generating income through naming rights and other commercial partnerships.

In part two of this series, attention will shift to other critical drivers of football economics, including improved officiating standards, broadcasting rights, sponsorship development, data analytics, fan engagement strategies, and governance reforms.

Ultimately, the NPFL’s greatest untapped asset is not merely the quality of football played on the pitch. A vast domestic market, an intensely passionate football culture, a large diaspora community, and an endless pipeline of talented players provide a foundation that very few African leagues can match. If these assets are strategically harnessed, the NPFL can emerge as one of the continent’s most commercially successful and globally respected football leagues.

Ekejiuba of GTI, writes from Lagos Island

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Opinion/Feature

AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development

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By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.

So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.

For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.

Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.

Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.

As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.

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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.

Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.

But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.

The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.

Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.

Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.

The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.

If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.

The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.

But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.

I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.

The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.

Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.

But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.

So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.

The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.

The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.

Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.

AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.

Ilori is an energy analyst

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