Opinion/Feature
Tinubu The Audacity To Hope: One Year After
By Segun Adeleye
See how time flies!
It’s a year since that symbolical declaration in his inaugural speech “….that these things are within our proximate reach because my name is Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and I am the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
A lot can be said about the confidence that President Tinubu exuded, that everything he promised are within reach because of who he is.
Many can convincingly argue that one year is too short a period to assess the performance of an administration, and there are innumerable evidences in the long history of this unlucky country with leaders that wasted opportunities and ruined hopes in spite of many years they spent in power.
Having started as a series of my opinions ‘If I Were Tinubu’ shortly after the 2023 general elections that metamorphosed into a book – Tinubu The Audacity To Hope, that envisaged the great challenges he would face along with the accompanying hardship and practical solutions, using this as a barometer I may be unfairly classified among those that should be able to assess the administration coming a year after.
However, one fact about a prophesy is that there must always be an outcome. It either comes to pass or turn out as something that was presumptuously said which may not materialize.
With everyone consciously or unconsciously prep by prejudice like a shadow, it will be very tough to present a fair assessment of this administration, more so at a time of great hardship when many cannot imagine their current plight is the product of leaders that meant well.
Tinubu may be the only one perfectly qualified to assess himself after this one year being the dreamer and the visionary. As a visionary, he is who he is by the reason of what he saw and sold as hope.
Therefore, anyone that wants to correctly assess the President one year after must go beyond reading his mind, but try to find a way of sneaking into it and his conscience so as to be able to peep into what he is seeing with the universally acceptable mode of assessing students being to set exams and mark their scripts, human psychology will remind us that what was not said speaks volume if we care to read from body language and other means.
The occasion of the inauguration of the 700km Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway on May 26 was a natural setting to glimpse into the mind of Mr President. For those who cared to look, they may not miss seeing an unapologetic person with strong will and confidence that he knows what he is doing. He even went far to mock his critics that, “Today is my day to boast.”
He went on to add that “The deal is done. The dream is realisable. The determination to build a nation of prosperity is possible. We said we would build this road, and we are determined to do it. Do not be afraid. We will do this road, and it will be a success for Nigeria, and we will do even more of this.”
Reflecting on the spirit behind the pursuit of such a grand project estimated to cost N15 trillion may even help to shed light on how Tinubu’s mind works. There are other branches to the coastal highway which include a spur to the north-central part of the country and another 1,000km Sokoto-Badagry Highway that is expected to connect Sokoto to Badagry in Lagos State and pass through Kebbi, Niger, Kwara, and Oyo States.
The oppositions have been direct in their criticism of the project from the point of view of the President’s son’s relationship with the contractors. This scrutiny may be justified in the spirit of transparency and corporate governance, but it would have carried more weight if they had hammered on why the rush to fund the highway though public funds when the option of Public Private Partnership (PPP) has not been explored?
What is in Tinubu’s DNA that craves for grand projects may be captured from what he said about the coastal highway that it “would ensure that future generations have a good landmark and memory to treasure while serving as a good precedent set for others to follow in the timely provision of world-class infrastructure. We have a road that will outlive all of us here. That is how to build the future. This project is more than a mere road. It is a symbol of hope, unity, and prosperity.”
In the real sense of it, the coastal highway may have changed the narrative from constant accusation of government for corruption to the choice of what projects to prioritize.
On the general overview of the administration’s performance in year one, one will not miss the fact that the rhetoric on corruption that trailed past governments has fizzled out with the only scare being the one involving Dr Betta Edu, the minister of humanitarian affairs and poverty alleviation over a leaked memo wherein she asked the accountant-general of the federation to transfer N585 million to a private account. Of course, President Tinubu swiftly acted by suspending the minister and directed the EFCC to conduct a thorough investigation into the financial transaction involving the ministry, that nothing is heard again about the probe since January, may sow a seed of doubt over the commitment of the administration to discourage corruption.
The other two prominent corruption cases in the first year were carried over from the previous administration. They are the one involving the former minister of aviation, Hadi Sirika and that of the former CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele which the President had pledged a thorough housecleaning of the “den of malfeasance” the CBN had become.
However, the Betta Edu saga should not rob the President of the credit of the quality of appointments into his cabinet and to government agencies. He has exceeded expectation with the injection of professionals to head most strategic agencies and end the culture of mediocrities in offices that country is known for. The choice of the managers of President’s information and strategies has also been civil. The President has been able to leave out some hawks which public opinion earlier tipped would be his spokespersons. The advice in my book then was “Those that must be speaking for the President and the country must be people that have compassion, people that know the value and care for human beings. They must be people that are conscious of the place of black man in history for the African dream which Nigeria has suppressed to finally come to reality. When speaking for the President or the country, it must be with humility, clarity, grace, hope and confidence to inspire all Nigerians and in extension Africans on the truth and our heritage that it’s a new dawn to fulfill destiny.”
From the home front, the First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu who I recommended to be the prayer warrior for the administration, also deserves commendation as she has not been obstructive in going about her tasks to empower women to the best of her ability. The highest point of her year one was her response in Bauchi to a threat by a cleric that she deserved to die for her Christian faith, when she said, “I am too old to be afraid. If God has granted me over 60 years on earth, I shouldn’t fear death.”
On Tinubunomic, one must acknowledge that the President inherited an economy inflicted with fuel scarcity, naira redesign crisis, bad roads, poor power supply, joblessness among others things that make life miserable for citizens. But the fact that life have become tougher for Nigerians one year after will make it difficult to convince many that the Tinubunomic magic is working.
All the major political parties were on the same page to remove fuel subsidy during the general election, but no one knew how painful and disruptive it would be until it was done by the President. It has been dragging to get the Dangote Refinery to start fuel supply into the market while the Port Harcourt Refinery too is yet to deliver. When they eventually do, they should help to guarantee stable fuel supply, not necessarily sharp drop in prices. But the biggest gain will be the saving of about $25 billion being spent yearly to import petroleum and other refined products.
In fact, the $25 billion saving will come as a big relief for the CBN to manage foreign exchange reserves and naira value which got out of hand and depreciated close to N2,000 against the dollars during the year.
The government had faced an uphill task battling inflation during the year as it soared to 33.69% in April 2024. The Federal Government was forced in August last year to approve N5 billion for each state and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as palliative to enable them procure food items for distribution to the poor in their states.
The high inflation and naira devaluation have crippled the purchasing power thereby forcing wage increase demand by labour as they embark on strikes to achieve their objectives. Eventually, the labour will soon get wage increase, but many believe the implementation of a substantial new minimum wage will further increase inflation, job loss and possible recession.
On oil and gas, the President has been bullish with the signing of Executive Orders to provide fiscal incentives for non-associated gas, midstream and deepwater oil and gas and also to transform the gas and energy sectors of the economy. Operators are excited with the Executive Order that streamlines contracting processes, procedures, and timelines from 36 months to six months.
The issue with the electricity sector is more complex as it requires huge investment and long time for projects completion, which explains the sharp resistance to tariff increase by labour when regular power supply has not been achieved, along with other economic challenges facing the masses. While the President has been applauded for signing of the Nigeria Electricity Act 2023 which accommodate the participation of the states in the sector, quickly followed by the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill 2024 which addresses the development and environmental concerns of host communities, my recommendation that the government should get Siemens of Germany to deliver in the deal to increase electricity generation to 25,000MW in six years is still valid.
The President really deserves commendation for the signing of Student Loan Amendment Bill of 2024 after ensuring the repeal of the Students Loans Act of 2023 which he earlier signed. Ordinarily, other leaders would have left the Act as it was since it was recently signed and allowed its shortcomings to linger on with the noble objectives buried in government bureaucracy. But by returning the Act to be repealed underlines the seriousness of the President to prioritise the well-being of Nigerian children while recognising education as a key weapon against poverty. The Student Loan may stand out as the greatest achievement of the President in his first year and the best thing that ever happened to Nigerian children. With the Student Loan, parents that will not mind to steal in offices just to be able to pay school fees can now breathe a sigh of relief.
While it’s acknowledged that the administration has been brave with forex management through the liberalization of naira, the progress with payment of foreign airlines’ trapped funds along with positive outlook for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), one can say out that there are still much to be done in the areas of productivity, agriculture, blue economy and cost of governance.
I wrote that national productivity growth rate remains low due to infrastructure deficit, unemployment, constant strike actions, brain drain, insecurity among others. Agriculture should be the saving grace for government to solve the forex scarcity, unemployment and hunger. It cannot be practically seen yet that the government has gotten it right with agriculture as the prices of food have gone beyond the reach of the citizens. I also wrote in my book then that “There are some exportable agricultural products that keep on having growing global demands which Nigeria has the right climate to produce to quickly bridge its foreign exchange gap in few years. The Tinubu government can return to agriculture and make it the number one foreign exchange earner for the country by attracting investments and partnering the state governments based on the agricultural products they are the best at. The farm settlements that the government will promote should be mechanized, modernized with all amenities in the cities such as sporting and recreation centers with cable TV among others to attract youths and help solve unemployment problem.”
As for the cost of governance, the President has made the right move with a ban on all foreign trips by ministers and other government officials with exemption to trips deemed absolutely necessary. As the ban to last 90 days from 1 April, 2024 will lapse by the end of this June, the question is what next? Many observers believe that cutting the cost of governance can be more broader to capture the National Assembly who are living large and had bought expensive luxury sport utility vehicles for its 469 members despite the tough economic situation Nigerians are grappling with.
But one of the positive things that can be take away from the first year of President Tinubu is the revelation of his preparedness for the job and his commitment to deliver. He said a couple of times during the year that people should not pity him as he asked for the job. He has been humble, fearless, revolutionary and selfless like someone that knows the secret of fear. He has shown that he is a team player who is open to fresh ideas as he had even commended his hard working minister, Nyesom Wike for being a very good team leader, saying, “we all collectively will not let you down,”
In fact, this is one of the most important times in the history of Nigeria, more so that we still have four former heads of state alive to witness and reflect on what fear and selfishness had cost them from doing for this country, and for the aspiring leaders to learn that they can make a difference and leave a legacy for the generations yet unborn.
*Segun Adeleye, President/CEO World Stage Limited is the author of Tinubu The Audacity To Hope and other books.
Opinion/Feature
AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development
By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.
So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.
For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.
Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.
Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.
As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.
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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.
Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.
But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.
The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.
Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.
Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.
The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.
If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.
The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.
But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.
I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.
The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.
Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.
But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.
So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.
The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.
The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.
Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.
AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.
Ilori is an energy analyst
Opinion/Feature
Inside Ojulari’s One-year Drive to Reengineer NNPC
In today’s high-stakes corporate and public sector leadership, performance is no longer judged by promises but by proof. Results must be tracked, decisions interrogated, and progress clearly demonstrated.
One year after Bayo Ojulari assumed office as Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC Limited, the moment calls for a clear-eyed assessment of his leadership, what has changed, what has worked and what lies ahead.
Ojulari did not arrive at a moment of calm. His appointment on April 2, 2025, came against the backdrop of mounting public skepticism and internal contradictions. The state of Nigeria’s refineries, particularly those in Port Harcourt and Warri, had become a lightning rod for debate.
Officially, they had been recommissioned after years of costly rehabilitation. Unofficially, many doubted whether those facilities were genuinely functional.
The gap between declaration and reality had become too wide to ignore, feeding a broader crisis of credibility around the national oil company. It was into this uncertainty that Ojulari stepped, confronted with a choice that often defines leadership: preserve appearances or pursue the truth.
He chose the latter, and in doing so, reset the tone of governance at NNPC. Rather than defend inherited claims, he immersed himself in the mechanics of the system, reviewing technical reports, engaging operational teams, and interrogating data. What followed was a decision as simple as it was profound: shut down the refineries. It was not the kind of move that courts applause in the short term. It disrupted narratives, unsettled expectations, and exposed uncomfortable realities. But it also sent a clear message that the era of managed optics was over. If the refineries were to work, they would work properly; if they were not, they would not be dressed up to appear otherwise. In that moment, Ojulari signaled that under his watch, transparency would not be a slogan but a practice.
That signal quickly found expression in institutional behaviour. One of his earliest moves was to restore the publication of NNPC’s monthly financial and operations reports, a transparency mechanism that had fallen into inconsistency. With their return came a renewed ability for stakeholders to track the company’s performance, production volumes, revenues, operational efficiencies, without relying on speculation. The culture of disclosure deepened further in November 2025, when NNPC Limited held its first-ever earnings call following the release of its audited 2024 financial statements. The announcement of a N5.4 trillion profit after tax captured headlines, but beyond the numbers lay a more consequential shift: the company was beginning to speak the language of accountability expected of global energy players.
Still, leadership is not measured by transparency alone. It must be weighed against clearly defined objectives, and in Ojulari’s case, those objectives were set by Bola Ahmed Tinubu with unmistakable clarity. The mandate was ambitious, raise crude oil production to two million barrels per day by 2027, scale gas output to eight billion cubic feet per day within the same timeframe, expand refining capacity, and attract tens of billions of dollars in fresh investment. It was a tall order by any standard, particularly in a sector long burdened by structural inefficiencies and external pressures.
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One year on, the evidence suggests that while the journey is far from complete, the direction has shifted. In upstream operations, Ojulari has overseen a notable increase in production through NNPC Exploration & Production Ltd. Output climbed from a daily average of 203,000 barrels in 2023 to 312,000 barrels by December 2025, with peaks reaching 355,000 barrels, the highest level recorded in decades. National production has also edged upward, moving from roughly 1.5 million barrels per day to about 1.62 million. To the uninitiated, the increment may appear modest, but within the context of Nigeria’s oil sector, where theft, vandalism, and operational disruptions have long suppressed output, it represents meaningful progress. Each additional barrel reflects not just production capacity but improved system integrity.
If oil production tells a story of recovery, gas tells one of momentum. Developments within the NNPC/Renaissance joint venture have positioned gas as a central pillar of growth, with output already hitting 2.2 billion cubic feet per day. The optimism surrounding this trajectory is not speculative. As Tony Attah of Renaissance Africa Energy Company noted, the venture has surpassed its immediate targets and is already recalibrating towards higher benchmarks. This growth is being reinforced by critical infrastructure projects.
The River Niger crossing of the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline has brought long-awaited clarity to a project that had lingered in uncertainty, while the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben pipeline is nearing completion. Together, they represent more than engineering milestones, they are the arteries through which Nigeria’s gas ambitions can flow into industrial reality.
Yet, it is in refining that Ojulari’s leadership has been most paradoxical. On paper, little progress has been made toward expanding capacity. In practice, however, his decision to shut down the refineries may prove to be one of the most consequential moves of his tenure. By refusing to perpetuate underperformance, he has created space for a more credible and sustainable approach to refining. It is a strategy that sacrifices immediacy for integrity, choosing to rebuild rather than patch.
Investment, meanwhile, has emerged as a strong pillar of his first year. The groundwork laid for the Bonga Southwest Aparo deepwater project stands out as a defining achievement. By securing presidential approval for fiscal incentives, Ojulari has effectively unlocked the pathway for a potential $20 billion investment. In a global energy landscape where capital is increasingly selective, such positioning matters. It signals to investors that Nigeria is willing to align policy with opportunity, reducing uncertainty and enhancing competitiveness.
Internally, the financial pulse of the company has also strengthened. Within a year, NNPC Limited has reportedly remitted N14.706 trillion in statutory contributions to the federal government and related agencies. This figure is not merely a reflection of earnings; it speaks to improved discipline in revenue management and a renewed commitment to fulfilling the company’s fiscal responsibilities.
Early in his tenure, Ojulari acknowledged the weight of expectations placed upon him. The targets, he admitted, were tough. One year later, that admission reads less like caution and more like context. Out of the core mandates before him, he has made substantial progress on most, while deliberately slowing down on refining to reset the foundation. It is a record that suggests not perfection, but purpose.
As he steps into his second year, the questions will grow sharper. Progress must be sustained, gains must be scaled, and early decisions must translate into lasting transformation. But if the first year has established anything, it is that Ojulari is not inclined toward easy narratives. His approach has been to confront reality, however inconvenient, and to build from there.
In that sense, his first year has not merely been about “walking the talk.” It has been about redefining what the talk should be, and backing it with action.
Ben Ekori, an energy sector expert and public affairs analyst wrote this piece from Lagos.
NEWS
Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?
As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.
The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.
According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.
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Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.
The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.
The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.
He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.
“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.
While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.
Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.
At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?
Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.
As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.
The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?






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