Opinion/Feature
If I were Tinubu – Part 2: A dream team and prayer warrior
By Segun Adeleye
A prophet is regarded as an inspired teacher or proclaimer of the will of God. But is Tinubu also among the prophets?
For the strategists and those close to the President – Elect, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, if there is something they must encourage him not to stop doing; it is not to stop speaking from his mind, for out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks.
We have been living witnesses to the confirmation of the power of word. As the Word became flesh, we are what we say and what we say defines us.
When Tinubu made his now famous ‘emi l’okan’ (it’s my turn) remark at a campaign gathering in Abeokuta on June 3, 2022, there was nothing to show that he wanted to be disrespectful to the establishment. But he portrayed a picture of assertiveness by someone that knew what he wanted. Same thing was his involvement in the ‘o to gee’ (enough is enough) movement that toppled the Saraki political dynasty in Kwara State in the 2019 general elections.
As if that was not enough, Tinubu no doubt tactically kicked against the policies and posture of the outgoing Muhammadu Buhari presidency in the build-up to this year’s general election with his campaign performance at the MKO Abiola Stadium, Abeokuta, on Wednesday January 25 when he said, “Let fuel be expensive; only they know where they kept it. Keep petrol, keep the naira, we will vote and be elected. You may change the ink of naira notes. What you expect will not happen. We will win. They thought they could cause trouble; they sabotaged fuel but with or without fuel, with or without motorcycles and tricycles, we will vote and win. This is a superior revolution. We will take over government through our PVCs. Even if they say there is no fuel, we will trek to the polling units.”
If these were not prophecies, then we must go elsewhere to seek for another definition.
Vision is to be written and made plain upon tables, “that he may run that readeth it.” One can only imagine what will happen to Nigeria if all the promises made during Tinubu’s electioneering campaigns across the country could be prophesies that can be made to come to pass? But as a tree does not make a forest, neither a prophet making a nation, common sense dictates that the president-elect will need an action cabinet or a dream team to turn all his promises into reality.
“Take away the wicked from the presence of the king and his throne will be established in righteousness.” No doubt, the failure of the past governments in Nigeria was mostly caused by those that made up their cabinets.
Looking at the cabinet of the outgoing government of President Mohammadu Buhari, one may not be wrong to say that he did not have a long list of people he could trust to help him deliver his promises, which could explain why Mr Babatunde Fashola, a former governor of Lagos State got appointed as a minister of a combined Ministry of Power, Works and Housing from 2015 to 2019. In fact, Buhari was said to have preferred appointing only 18 ministers, but for the constitution- Section 147(3) which mandated the president to “appoint at least one Minister from each state.”
He eventually appointed over 40 ministers despite assigning Minister of Petroleum to himself. He later sacked and replaced two of them- Minister of Agriculture, and his counterpart in the power ministry, with the president’s spokesperson saying the exercise “helped to identify and strengthen weak areas, close gaps, build cohesion and synergy in governance, manage the economy and improve the delivery of public good to Nigerians.”
Tinubu is expected to also face the constitution dilemma of appointing at least 36 ministers, but the wisdom will be to identify few key ministries where he must get the best Nigerians from any part of the world, irrespective of their political, religious and ethnic affiliation to help deliver his renewed hope. With high inflation, fuel scarcity and general disenchantment across the land, the least the new government can wish for is a team that will hit the ground running.
Equally important are the strategies that must be put in place in sectors such as petroleum, jobs, youth and sport, digital economy, security, agriculture, culture and tourism, infrastructure and information.
The strategic ministries that should be non-negotiable on the quality of who should head them are Ministry Of Petroleum Resources, Ministry Of Power & Steel, Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation, Ministry Of Works, Ministry Of Youth & Sport, Ministry Of Agriculture And Natural Resources, Ministry Of Information & Communications, Ministry Of Defence, Ministry O f Education & Youth Development, Ministry Of Culture Tourism And National Orientation, Ministry Of Digital Economy.
The choice of capable professionals that can help turn around the fortune of Nigeria will not be in short supply to Tinubu if he should beam his searchlight on all the nook and cranny of the world where Nigerians are leading lights.
If I were Tinubu, I will take a cue from President Joe Biden of the United States who appointed three Nigerian-born professionals into his cabinet- Osaremen Okolo, as a member of his COVID-19 response team; Adewale Adeyemo as deputy secretary of the treasury department; and Funmi Olorunnipa Badejo as one of the advisers on legal issues pertaining to the president and the White House.
There will be the pressure on the need for jobs for the boys, to settle the party bigwigs and all that played strategic roles that led to the victory of the president-elect, but this must not be to the detriment of the larger goal to renew hope. There will be other spaces in government agencies that they can fill as member of boards among others.
But what all members of the dream team must have in common is to be among the best with undeniable passion in their respective fields, and they must be selfless and addicted lover of Nigeria.
Meanwhile, what I believe should be the first and most strategic position; though not by appointment will be the seat of the First Lady. The President-elect’s wife, Senator Oluremi Tinubu will be expected to secure the home front and give him the peace of mind to focus on the big task.
She must learn from history what her predecessors did right and wrong. We had witnessed in the past when our first ladies became embarrassment and distractions to their husbands and the nation with one escaping to a German hospital for a failed tummy tuck surgery which cost her life, while another one out of greed got enmeshed in corruption such that a Federal High Court had to order the permanent forfeiture of N9.2 billion and $8.4 million recovered from her by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
Moreover, with the bad blood generated by the Muslim-Muslim ticket that produced the President-elect, Mrs Tinubu, also a pastor will be expected to fill the gap and ensure that her husband is not hijacked by religious fundamentalists. Even though when the issue of the Muslim-Muslim ticket was trending, my thought was that can two of the past leaders who professed to be Christians out of four since the return of democracy in 1999 actually qualify as Christians? Did they meet the basic leadership standard set for Christians by Jesus Christ? That is a story for another day.
With estimated half of Nigerian population said to be Muslim, while under half are Christian, it will not be out of place to say that majority believe in the power of prayer and will not mind praying for their leaders and the nation.
Of course the nation and its leaders need prayer. Unless the Lord builds the house, they labor in vain who build it. We can reflect and ask that could it be spiritual or bad luck that the two ‘Christians’ out of the four presidents since the return of democracy failed to meet the yearning of the people, while one of the two Muslims died in office and the outgoing one spent the better part of his first term in office on a sick bed in foreign hospitals?
With not a few believing that Tinubu is not physically fit for the job, though he had argued that mental readiness should be of concern, not a fitness to jump into a boxing ring, he will still need continuous prayers for the renewal of spirit because of the huge task ahead.
In this regard, Mrs Tinubu will be the prayer warrior for her husband and the nation for affliction not rise up the second time. She must build a coalition of patriots to pray for him every day for a sound mind and for the renewed hope not to be aborted.
*Segun Adeleye is the President/CEO, World Stage Limited; Creator, OELA Music; Author of ‘So Long Too Long Nigeria’ and Founder/Chairman, Segun Adeleye Foundation for Good Leadership in Africa (SAFFGLIA).
Opinion/Feature
Nigeria Can’t Achieve Electoral Reforms Without Effective Democracy Communication
By Audu Liberty Oseni, PhD
Conversations around Nigeria’s electoral reform focus mainly on electoral laws, institutions, technology, and the credibility of elections. While these are central and fundamental, a deeper dimension that must be at the centre of the conversation has emerged in my research.
My study, “Democracy Communication and Citizens’ Perceptions of Political Trust and Democratic Legitimacy in Nigeria,” examined how democracy communication shapes citizens’ perceptions of political trust and democratic legitimacy.
Relying on qualitative data collected through Focus Group Discussions and Key Informant Interviews across 12 Local Government Areas in Abuja and Lagos, the study showed that democracy communication plays a central role in how citizens understand and engage with democracy. Citizens engage with the core principles of democracy, including free, fair and credible elections, rule of law, separation of powers, participatory decision-making, accountability, as well as fair and equitable representation, through communication.
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The study further revealed that citizens who show a stronger preference for participatory democracy communication are those who have experienced dialogue-based engagement.
This is because participation, inclusion, collective decision-making and accountability are not external to communities. They are rooted in people’s socio-cultural systems of indigenous knowledge used for social interaction and collective decision-making.
Citizens showed an understanding of what strengthens and erodes trust in democratic institutions in all 12 Local Government Areas studied. Their dealing with democracy was conditional. They would be more willing to engage and support democracy and democratic institutions when accountability, participation and responsiveness are present, whereas they disengage when distrust rises and dominates.
These findings reveal central and fundamental issues. Citizens actively evaluate, negotiate and respond to how democracy is communicated and practiced; they are not mere passive recipients of democracy. Despite this, a significant mismatch between institutional communication and citizens’ preferences exists. The reliance of government and political institutions on top-down communication is a dominant practice.
A preference for communication that allows citizens to ask questions, deliberate, negotiate, contribute, and influence decisions was strongly expressed. Democratic communication is seen as more credible and legitimate, especially when facilitated through trusted local community structures.
This has profound implications for electoral reforms. Nigeria cannot achieve electoral reforms while communicating with citizens as though they are merely an audience. Electoral reforms are not only about changing laws or introducing technology. The citizens must understand the reforms, participate in the conversations, question them, have opportunities to influence implementation, and must be able to hold institutions accountable.
This is why this study argues that electoral reforms are largely ‘a communication process’. Electoral credibility and service delivery are not the only factors that determine citizens’ support for democracy. Communication processes that create opportunities for dialogue, negotiation, and meaningful participation in governance shape citizens’ support for democracy.
The understanding of democracy should not be based on its assessment as a system of institutions and procedures; it is also an ongoing communicative relationship between the state and her citizens.
Nigeria must reposition democracy communication from a peripheral activity to a central pillar of her democratic practice and electoral reform. Political actors, electoral institutions and policymakers must champion the institutionalization of participatory democracy. These communication processes enable citizens to engage, deliberate, negotiate and co-create solutions to governance challenges.
If we Nigerians want electoral reforms that citizens trust, understand and own, we must embrace communication. A means by which we stop communicating to citizens and start communicating with them. We cannot achieve electoral reforms without effective “Democracy Communication”.
Oseni, Director, Centre for Development Communication (CDC), sent this via email – [email protected]
Opinion/Feature
Unlocking NPFL’s Market Value, Potential (1)
By Andrew Ekejiuba
The Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL) possesses all the ingredients required to become one of Africa’s most valuable domestic football competitions.
With a population exceeding 230 million people, an enormous football-loving fan base, fierce regional rivalries, an abundance of talented players, and a rapidly expanding digital audience, Nigeria has a foundation that many leagues across the continent can only aspire to.
Yet, despite these enormous advantages, the commercial value of the country’s elite league remains far below its true potential.
Unlocking this value requires a fundamental shift in how NPFL clubs are managed. Clubs must stop operating merely as football teams and begin functioning as professional sports businesses. Unfortunately, many NPFL clubs continue to run as extensions of government ministries rather than commercially driven organizations. This governance model has significantly hindered both the growth of the clubs and the development of the league itself.
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Every NPFL club should have a Board with competent professionals overseeing strategic decisions and policies. Equally important is the appointment of qualified Chief Executive Officers, Commercial Directors, Marketing Managers, Digital Media Teams, Fan Engagement Officers, and Business Development Executives.
All these are necessary because sustainable football success is built on strong institutions, not merely on performances on the pitch.
It has been revealed that most government-owned NPFL clubs rely almost entirely on state government funding despite the potential to generate incremental revenues annually. This dependency creates numerous challenges, including unstable financing, political interference, weak accountability, and little motivation to generate independent revenue. Such a structure inevitably limits innovation and commercial growth.
To become financially sustainable, clubs must progressively diversify their revenue streams through sponsorships, merchandising, hospitality services, membership programmes, ticket sales, academy transfers, digital subscriptions, media content, and other commercial initiatives. All these can be achieved through verifiable metrics and analytics that are attractive to various local and international partners. Government ownership, where it exists, should target direct intervention in key strategic areas and create a conducive environment that will facilitate the accelerated growth and development of the Clubs.
Another significant opportunity lies in building stronger club brands.
Although many NPFL clubs boast rich histories and passionate supporters, their brand identities remain underdeveloped. Every club should possess a clearly recognizable identity defined by its colours, logo, slogan, traditions, legends, and deep community roots.
Successful football clubs across the world sell identity before they sell football. Supporters do not merely buy tickets—they buy belongings. Consequently, every NPFL club should invest in a consistent visual identity, professionally managed websites, vibrant social media platforms, documentaries, podcasts, player profiles, and well-preserved historical archives. Football fans connect with stories just as much as they celebrate trophies.
Equally important is improving the matchday experience. Many NPFL venues still struggle with poor seating arrangements, inadequate parking facilities, poor sanitation, limited food and beverage options, weak security, and insufficient entertainment before and after matches. A football match should be an event that supporters eagerly anticipate, not simply ninety minutes of action. Creating enjoyable and memorable matchday experiences will strengthen emotional attachment between clubs and their supporters while increasing attendance and spending.
Digital media also presents one of the greatest opportunities for unlocking the league’s commercial value. Today’s football audience increasingly consumes content on mobile phones and digital platforms long before watching matches on television. Consequently, clubs must invest heavily in digital content creation.
Media departments should consistently produce engaging content, including training sessions, behind-the-scenes footage, player interviews, tactical analysis, academy updates, fan competitions, historical features, documentaries, and interactive social media campaigns. Around the world, digital engagement has become a significant source of commercial revenue through advertising, sponsorships, subscriptions, and fan monetization. The NPFL cannot afford to be left behind.
Another area requiring strategic attention is player development and transfers. Evidence from several emerging football leagues shows that player trading can become a major source of sustainable income when properly managed. Nigeria continues to produce exceptional football talent, yet too many players leave for relatively insignificant transfer fees.
NPFL clubs should strengthen their youth academies, offer longer-term contracts to promising players, improve scouting networks, negotiate favourable sell-on clauses, secure development compensation rights, and create attractive welfare packages to retain outstanding talent for longer periods. European clubs such as Red Bull Salzburg and Genk have built highly successful business models around player development and strategic transfers, an approach worthy of emulation.
In addition, club licensing regulations should enforce the requirement for every NPFL club to own and operate a functional youth academy that consistently feeds the first team. Such academies reduce recruitment costs, reinforce club identity, generate future transfer income, and strengthen community engagement. Beyond football, these academies should prioritize education, nutrition, sports science, psychology, and life-skills training to ensure the holistic development of young athletes.
Finally, clubs must begin to view their stadiums as commercial assets capable of generating revenue year-round, not merely on matchdays. Properly managed stadiums can host concerts, conferences, exhibitions, restaurants, museums, gyms, club shops, guided tours, and corporate events while also generating income through naming rights and other commercial partnerships.
In part two of this series, attention will shift to other critical drivers of football economics, including improved officiating standards, broadcasting rights, sponsorship development, data analytics, fan engagement strategies, and governance reforms.
Ultimately, the NPFL’s greatest untapped asset is not merely the quality of football played on the pitch. A vast domestic market, an intensely passionate football culture, a large diaspora community, and an endless pipeline of talented players provide a foundation that very few African leagues can match. If these assets are strategically harnessed, the NPFL can emerge as one of the continent’s most commercially successful and globally respected football leagues.
Ekejiuba of GTI, writes from Lagos Island
Opinion/Feature
AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development
By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.
So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.
For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.
Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.
Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.
As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.
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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.
Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.
But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.
The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.
Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.
Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.
The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.
If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.
The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.
But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.
I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.
The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.
Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.
But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.
So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.
The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.
The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.
Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.
AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.
Ilori is an energy analyst





