Opinion/Feature
PBAT: A President Ready To Risk It All For Future Generations
By Michael Chibuzo
This man called President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is painstakingly doing an architectural redesign of Nigeria’s economic foundations.
He has chosen to be the scapegoat and anyone who understands Nigeria’s structural problems should be grateful that a Bola Tinubu is President of Nigeria today. This is a President who appears not to be bothered about re-election politics and moves like one ready to sacrifice his immediate personal political interests for the long-term health and survival of his dear country.
At the moment and in the foreseeable future, his attempt to solidify the foundation of this federalist state called Nigeria would bring about pains – a lot of it actually. It took us long to enter into the ditch, we must not expect to get of the ditch overnight or in four years. To cure this pain, we must finish the treatment. We must not stop halfway. The World Bank, an institution we love to hate, said this much recently. And they are very right on this.
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It takes a President who is not afraid to lose elections to do the unpalatable foundation jobs required to fix Nigeria. President Bola Tinubu has continued to lay the institutional foundations that many feel are impossible or suicidal to pull off. I will enumerate some of the major ones, which justify why I so much believe in the abilities of President Bola Tinubu to succeed – it’s not a blind faith.
- Tax and Fiscal Reforms: This was one of Tinubu’s earliest moves. Just like what Tinubu did when he became Lagos governor, his first major policy move was to reform the revenue and tax administration system in Nigeria. He set up the Tax and Fiscal policy Reforms committee headed by Taiwo Oyedele and in less than a year they delivered a great job, which has metamorphosed into the Economic Stabilisation Bills (ESB) currently before the NASS.
Through these bills, Tinubu wants to amend about 15 different tax, fiscal, and establishment laws to facilitate economic stability and set the country on the path for sustained inclusive growth. On Oct 3, the President forwarded four executive bills to the NASS.
These bills are the Nigeria Tax Bill, Nigeria Tax Administration Act (Amendment) bill; Nigeria Revenue Service Bill and Joint Revenue Board (Establishment ) Bill. When passed into law, these bills would among other things help to harmonize the multiple tax laws in the country with the big one being the stripping of Customs, NIMASA, Immigration, NPA and other revenue generating agencies the powers to collect revenues. Revenue collection through NRS would reduce the cost of collection drastically and increase efficiency of revenue collection by blocking many leakages and applying centralised innovations.
Customs and co would be made to focus on their core duties. FIRS would be rebranded to Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS) which would collect all taxes that should go to the federation account. Each tier of government would then get its own share. In fact Tinubu wants FG’s share of VAT revenue to shrink to 10% from the current 15%. He wants the subnationals to have more revenue to finance new powers donated to them in the second schedule of the 1999 constitution (as amended). Most importantly, these tax reforms would see 90% of income earners and small businesses in Nigeria being exempted from taxes. In another clime, this would be celebrated a landmark legacy.
- Full deregulation of PMS: Despite the accompanying enormous discomfort on many aspects of our economic life, President Tinubu has been focused on achieving full deregulation of the downstream oil sector. It appears that he has achieved this milestone because today, Dangote Refinery is selling PMS to any willing buyer. NNPC Ltd is no longer the sole off taker of PMS from Dangote Refinery neither are they the sole importer of the product. NNPC is selling PMS and other petroleum products at the prevailing market prices.
It took a while to get to this point, but so far in October petrol imports into Nigeria has reduced by 80%. It means by the end of this year we would likely become totally self-sufficient in PMS and be exporting excess. The best way to tackle corruption is to eliminate the incentive fueling the corruption.
The subsidy regime, no matter how one wanted to manage it, was always bound to open opportunities for corruption and shortchanging of the public purse by those in the system either through opaque crude oil swap or cost under-recovery by the NNPC Ltd. Cross border smuggling of PMS from Nigeria to our neighbouring African countries would not stop totally for some reasons, but it would no longer be a drain on Nigeria’s public purse.
- CNG Revolution: The full deregulation of the downstream oil sector has invariably made CNG to become a much more attractive proposition with many now seeing it as an alternative they must embrace because it is way cheaper. Some argue that CNG alternatives should have been put in place before PMS subsidy was removed but it’s not that straightforward.
Once PMS was still cheaper than CNG, there is little incentive for people to convert their cars to run on CNG. The cost of conversion of vehicles to able to run on CNG is relatively high. Meanwhile, as long as FG was still shouldering PMS subsidy burden, it would not have the revenue to finance any CNG initiative on a meaningful scale. Therefore, so long as subsidy still kept PMS prices below that of CNG or marginally above it, the CNG revolution would not have started.
The Buhari administration around 2020 or 2021 tried the Auto gas initiative (which includes CNG adoption) as he moved towards full PMS deregulation. But there was limited success in the CNG component as adoption was not widespread. Before the subsidy removal, what was happening basically was that manufacturing firms started adopting CNG to provide electricity for their firms instead of using diesel (deregulated since 2004), whose price was skyrocketting.
Today, CNG is becoming popular with many vehicle owners eager to switch from PMS to CNG. FG is stimulating this switch as well through the setting up of many conversion workshops across many cities and offering subsidised conversion fees by @PCNGInitiative. This increasing demand for CNG has encouraged CNG market leaders in Nigeria such as NIPCO, in partnership with the FG, to invest more in establishing CNG refuelling stations. In a couple of years, CNG filling stations would definitely become common across the country.
- Student Loans: Tinubu against all odds has also activated the student loans programme and institutionalised it. In one of the executive economic stabilisation bills President Tinubu sent to the NASS, special provision was made to guarantee and increase the source of funding available for the student loans programme just like TETFUND, UBEC fund and Basic Health Care Provision Fund get funds from guaranteed deductions from the consolidated revenue fund of the federation.
The student loan scheme, administered by @NELFUND at zero interest rate, is fast becoming a life saver for many students especially in these very difficult economic times. This can only be a product of deliberate thinking, which of course Tinubu is known for.
- Consumer Credit Scheme: This is another institutional policy of President Bola Tinubu, which just like the student loan, has a backing of an Act of Parliament. It is a revolutionary tool administered by @CrediCorpNG that will give income earners an opportunity to purchase goods and services they need but cannot afford to pay for at once with a lump sum.
The scheme has kicked off with civil servants who have a verified income and employment history. Thousands of beneficiaries are already getting their funds at very concessionary interest rates. Eventually, the scheme will be extended to other income earners who are not civil servants.
This would unlock a huge demand for goods and services that would been impossible without a cheap consumer credit scheme.
- Monetary Policy Reforms: President Bola Tinubu took the unpopular but inevitable route of allowing the Naira to float while scrapping the multiple exchange rate windows the @cenbank put in place since 2017 as it desperately tried to manage FX demand and supply. Cardoso’s FX policy was just like returning to the basics – allowing demand and supply to determine rates. The monetary reset came with so much pains and Nigerians are still reeling from the effects in the form of high prices of goods and services. However, that was the only way forward.
We need to face our demons and accept our realities, which would enable us claw ourselves out of dark tunnels. Tinubu has always faced challenges headlong and on this FX issue, he allowed the CBN to face it boldly. Our reality is that we don’t have abundant FX reserves to peg the Naira to a rate that would lower cost of imports, so there is little we can do in the interim other than to allow the market determine the rate.
Not pegging the Naira is costly, however pegging it when you do not have enough FX to saturate the market is suicidal. Today, despite the pains it brought, we can see visible improvements. Currently, our gross foreign reserves is close to $39 billion up from $34 billion in May 2023. This is in spite of the CBN’s liquidation of over $6 billion FX backlog within months. It is important we stay this course and target further accretion of the foreign reserves, possibly to over $60 billion by 2027.
- Agriculture: Food sufficiency and security has been one of our major problems and despite so many previous government programmes in Agriculture, it appears we are yet to find a sustainable way to ensure food sufficiency and food security. Tinubu apparently has come to understand that having sufficient food for Nigeria does not start and end with giving loans to farmers. In the absence of a permanent institutional foundation, we will continue to hover in circles with no sustainable solution in sight.
Agriculture is one of the few areas where the three tiers of government are constitutionally empowered to operate in. For Nigeria to achieve food security, the FG, states and LGAs MUST be seriously invested in agriculture. No matter what FG does, if the 36 states and 768 LGAs in those states do not deliberately take agriculture serious, Nigeria will never achieve food sufficiency.
So, what is the Tinubu administration doing in agriculture? Apart from the expected FG interventions in the form of inputs and implements to commercial farmers for both the wet season and dry season farming in the major agricultural belts of the country, the Tinubu administration has began the groundwork, though not very visible at this time, for deepening mechanised agriculture across the country as well as storage and agro processing.
Under Tinubu, the federal government through @NGfmafs wants to recalibrate how support is extended to farmers in a manner that yields commensurate value and which is sustainable. This is why Tinubu approved four projects/programmes under the agriculture mechanisation programme which include:
- a) Greener Hope Programme, a $1 billion PPP arrangement where FG will provide $200 million counterpart fund (already approved by FEC). Under this programme, 1,000 agro-service centres will be established across farming belts to provide essential services including tractor hiring services and aggregation services (both at the input purchase and produce sale levels), among others. This will enable those smallholder farmers that may not be able to afford tractors to hire or lease a tractor to do their farm preparations and also be part of an aggregation cluster to get better value when selling their produce or purchasing farm inputs.
The tractorisation component of this program involves procurement of 2,000 tractors per annum for the next five years. Each of these tractors would come with ploughs, harrows, seeders, planters as well as spare parts. These tractors unlike before are not meant to be given out free of charge or at subsidised rates but would be managed by those employed by the private partners that provided the $800 million counterpart fund as a business. This is more sustainable.
- b) The John Deere deal, which involves another procurement of 2,000 tractors per year for the next five years from John Deere Ltd. Last month FEC approved the establishment of a local assembly plant for 2000 John Deere tractors, combine harvesters, disc riders, bottom ploughs and other farm equipment. The plant has a completion time of six months. In five years, we expect 10,000 tractors and the other accessories from John Deere.
- c) Belarus Tractors deal involving procurement of yet another 2000 tractors comprising four different types; 80 horsepower and 90 horsepower, two-wheel drives and four-wheel drives for each of the different categories, which will have 500 tractors each. That also will come with all the other implements with about 9,000 assorted sets of spare parts. The project also comprises of 12 mobile service workshops that will come along with all needed supply items. 10 pieces of 150 horsepower combined harvesters are also included.
- d) Green Imperative Programme (GIP), this started 7 years ago under PMB but has not taken off. It is a €950 million programmme that will be funded by Deutsche Bank, with the backing of the Islamic Development Bank. The GIP does not require any counterpart funding from Nigeria, but it requires a sovereign guarantee. It involves among other things setting up of one service centre for every local government, 774 LGAs of the Federation.
Apart from the GIP, which has not started, the other three programmes would deliver a cumulative of 6000 tractors to power mechanised farming in Nigeria. In the next five years, a total of 30,000 tractors and other accompanying implements would have been procured through these programs. Why is this a big deal?
You cannot have mechanised agriculture without enough tractors, ploughs, harrows, seeders, planters and combine harvesters. Belgium with a landmass of 30,689 sq kilometres and a population of around 11.7 million, has 206,500 farm tractors. Nigeria with 923,7770 sq kilometers and a population of over 220 million has only 45,000 farm tractors. How do you expect to achieve mechanisation of agriculture to produce adequate food for such a huge population with such a meagre number of tractors? FG is targeting additional 30,000 tractors in the next five years, the 36 states need to have their own targets, same with LGAs (theirs is even more important).
This is why President Tinubu in his October 1st speech urged states yet to join the Federal Government in investing in mechanised farming to do so. Tinubu noted that the is playing its part by supplying fertiliser and other farm inputs as well as making tractors and other farm equipment available and I agree with him. The states own the lands. If they are serious about agriculture, Nigeria will enter an agricultural boom. Already FG is also working with AfDB, Islamic Development Bank and IFAD to set up Special Agro-Industrial Processing Zones in seven pilot states.
Some people may gauge a government’s success in agriculture by the amount of loans or credit the FG gives to farmers but if we are to be honest with ourselves, we must change from that method because it is very inefficient and unsustainable. How many farmers can you give enough credit or support? How many farmers would even use the credit or loan to farm? Nigeria has about 40 million farmers. How many can you support with fertiliser, farm implements and other inputs.
I agree with @SenatorAKyari that the best way is to provide an environment for the farmer to grow and he will be happy to do it. Make him to cut down his losses and provide an incentive for him to participate in agriculture, since part of the problems that we are facing is that people are not interested in labourous activities. This is why mechanisation across the entire agricultural value chain is the long term answer.
I do not want to further elongate this piece by going on to highlight many other right moves that President Bola Tinubu is making in the areas of road infrastructure, power sector reforms, security, as well as his bold attempt to restructure and re-energise the local government system for a more efficient federation. If you critically look at the things President Bola Tinubu is doing in the areas I just listed, you would see a President who is intentional about building a strong edifice and not quick fixes.
Beyond the economic hardship many Nigerians are grappling with, I see a not-too-distant future where cheap CNG would be rivaling PMS and diesel as major transport fuels; I see a near future where more households and businesses would be having at least 20 hours of electricity; and where Nigerians (both civil servants and non-civil servants) can easily access consumer credit. A time will soon be upon us when students struggling to fund their tertiary education would have a sure way out through the student loan scheme. I foresee Nigeria having a revenue-debt service ratio below 40%, a revenue-GDP ratio above 18%, and a budget deficit near 3%.
I am seeing in the horizon, a Nigeria where our major roads are smooth and safe, where our strategic food reserve is filled to the brim with sufficient supply of staple foods and where rural communities and farmland are free from bandits and kidnappers. Above all, I would love to see a Nigeria where a Bauchi state governor @SenBalaMohammed would be bringing hundreds of thousands of hectares into cultivation instead of shamelessly blaming the federal government for hunger. I would love a situation where an Anambra State Governor like @CCSoludo would be giving the LGAs in his state additional subvention to better provide services to their people instead of seizing 90% of their FAAC allocations.
President Bola Tinubu is surely willing to risk it all by doing what is painfully necessary and unpopular at the moment, just to have our country stand on its feet. He is obviously not minding any potential damage it may inflict on his personal electoral interests. That is how statesmen roll.
@officialABAT has led the way, it is therefore extremely important that governors and LGA officials come out from their closets and complement Tinubu’s efforts in their states and LGAs respectively. Enough of hiding behind the finger and buck passing. We can only crawl our way far away from the precipice when every moving part of this complex machine called Nigeria is working in synchronism. Let’s do this!
Opinion/Feature
AKK: NNPC’s Continued Drive for Nigeria’s Development
By Adeyemi Ilori
I have followed Nigeria’s gas story for the better part of two decades. I have sat through presentations that promised the world and delivered little. I have seen feasibility studies gather dust while flares continued to burn across the Niger Delta.
So, when I say that something feels different this time, I want you to understand the weight of that admission.
For years, the conventional wisdom among energy analysts was that NNPC was a black box – opaque, slow, and better at consuming budgets than delivering pipelines. But the evidence accumulating over the past eighteen months, particularly under the current Ojulari leadership at NNPC, suggests that the corporation is finally translating its gas into tangible infrastructure. The AKK pipeline, the OB3 interconnector, and the relaunched Gas Master Plan 2026 are not just slide-deck fantasies. They are, against considerable odds, becoming physical realities.
Let me be clear: this is not an uncritical endorsement. There are still legitimate questions about cost overruns, contracting transparency, and the long-term commercial viability of some projects. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. Nigeria is moving from a flare-heavy crude economy to a gas-industrialised powerhouse. And NNPC, for all its historical baggage, is the engine of that transition.
Any credible analysis of NNPC’s gas ambitions must start with the Nigeria LNG story. Not because it is new, but because it remains the single most successful energy partnership in sub-Saharan Africa. The experiment began in 1995 with a final investment decision. Four years later, the first cargo left Bonny Island for France. That is a turnaround time that would impress any international project manager.
As the majority shareholder with 49 per cent equity, NNPC’s role, among others, was to secure gas supply through its joint venture partners, most of whom were also shareholders. The structure was complex, but it worked. NLNG has since generated over $114bn in revenue for Nigeria and dramatically reduced gas flaring. Train 7, approved in 2019, will increase capacity by another third.
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But here is the critical observation that many inside Nigeria miss: NLNG succeeded partly because it was insulated from day-to-day political interference. It had a dedicated special-purpose vehicle, world-class partners (Shell, Total, Eni), and a clear export mandate. The question has always been whether NNPC could replicate that discipline for domestic gas infrastructure, where profit margins are thinner and political pressures are heavier. That question is now being answered.
Let me give credit where it is due. The Escravos-Lagos Pipeline System, commissioned in the same year as NLNG’s incorporation, does not get the attention it deserves. It moves gas from the Niger Delta to the industrial corridors of Lagos, Ogun and Oyo. Most of the power plants in that zone run on ELPS gas. If you have ever wondered why Lagos State’s economy dwarfs that of other Nigerian states, a reliable gas supply is a significant part of the answer.
But a critical observer would also note that ELPS is now decades old and operating below optimal capacity due to maintenance backlogs and third-party vandalism. The lesson is that building pipelines is only half the battle. Operating and protecting them is the long game. NNPC has made progress on security architecture – surveillance contracts, community engagement – but the threat landscape remains challenging. Rather than cower, NNPC’s scope has grown by leaps and bounds.
The Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline is the most ambitious inland gas project in Africa. Flagged off in 2020 under President Buhari, it spans 614 kilometres and costs roughly $2.8bn. When fully operational, it will transport 2.2 billion scf per day, support three new independent power plants in Abuja, Kaduna and Kano, and serve as the first leg of the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline toward Europe.
Now, for the critical part: I have watched enough infrastructure projects in emerging markets to know that ribbon-cutting ceremonies are cheap. What matters is crossing the River Niger, physically and metaphorically. True to type, in July 2025, the Ojulari administration celebrated exactly that engineering feat. The project team managed to lay pipe across one of Africa’s most challenging waterways. That is not a small feat.
Since then, momentum has increased. First gas is expected to reach Abuja in a matter of months. If that happens on schedule, it will be a watershed moment. But I would caution that the AKK has already faced delays and cost escalations. The original completion timeline was optimistic. The current management seems to have learned from that – they are now under-promising and over-delivering, which is refreshing.
The real test will be whether the industrial revival in Kano and Kaduna follows the pipeline. Textile mills and manufacturing hubs will not spring back to life automatically. They need complementary policies – tariff reform, export incentives, and reliable electricity distribution. NNPC can bring gas to the gate. It cannot force factory owners to turn on their machines. Yet, NNPC seems undeterred.
If there is a case study in Nigerian project perseverance, it will be the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben (OB3) pipeline. Construction began in 2013. It was not meant to take this long to complete. I have written reports predicting its completion every two years since 2016. I was wrong every time, but the horizon is promising now.
The terrain was unforgiving. Swamps, rivers, community disputes, and funding gaps.
But NNPC, under the current leadership, finally deployed specialised micro-tunnelling equipment to breach the last major obstacle. As of February 2026, the OB3 is flowing approximately 300 million scf per day. That is real gas, moving from the stranded Eastern fields to the industrial West.
I want to highlight something that warms an analyst’s heart: the project is being handled by a local contractor, Oilserv. That is a testament to deepening local content. But it also raises a legitimate question about oversight. Local contractors bring lower costs and faster mobilisation, but they also require rigorous quality assurance. So far, Oilserv appears to have delivered. I would like to see independent audits published – transparency breeds confidence. And if the thoughtfulness in aggregating gas supply and delivery is any indication, the omens are very encouraging.
The crown jewel, in my view, is the NNPC Gas Master Plan 2026, relaunched with additional partners under the Ojulari management. That is not another glossy brochure; it is a coherent framework connecting AKK, OB3, ELPS, and future projects into a single national grid. Think of it as the operating system for Nigeria’s gas economy.
Previous master plans failed because they were aspirational but not sequenced. This one prioritises: it focuses on power generation first (the largest demand centre), then industrial feedstock (fertiliser, methanol, petrochemicals), then compressed natural gas for transportation and liquefied petroleum gas for cooking. That is logical.
But here is my main reservation: the master plan relies heavily on continued international partnership and financing. The Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline to Europe is a multi-billion-dollar project that requires alignment with Algeria and Niger, both of whom have their own priorities. And European gas demand, post-2022, is less predictable than it once was, although the recent Middle East crisis appears to herald a silver lining for Africa-leaning investments. Despite that, Nigeria should not bet the house on exports only. Domestic industrialisation is the safer, more transformative bet.
So where does that leave an analyst like yours truly? I am overwhelmingly supportive of the direction, but I am not naive about the distance still to travel.
The positives: AKK is crossing rivers. OB3 is flowing. The Master Plan is coherent. NLNG’s success proves the model. ELPS shows what is possible. Ojulari’s first year has delivered more on-the-ground progress than recent years. Gas flaring is declining. Local content is deepening.
The critiques: Costs need to be more transparent. Project timelines have historically been fiction. Security of pipelines is an ongoing vulnerability. And gas alone cannot fix Nigeria’s broken electricity distribution network – that requires state-level reforms and private sector participation that lie outside NNPC’s mandate.
Let me end where I began. I have watched Nigeria’s energy sector for a long time. I have seen grand plans evaporate. The current moment feels different. Not because the challenges have disappeared: they haven’t. But because the leadership is finally treating gas infrastructure as a war, not a workshop. Pipelines are being laid. Rivers are being crossed. Molecules are moving.
AKK is coming. And for about the first time in years, I believe it.
Ilori is an energy analyst
Opinion/Feature
Inside Ojulari’s One-year Drive to Reengineer NNPC
In today’s high-stakes corporate and public sector leadership, performance is no longer judged by promises but by proof. Results must be tracked, decisions interrogated, and progress clearly demonstrated.
One year after Bayo Ojulari assumed office as Group Chief Executive Officer of NNPC Limited, the moment calls for a clear-eyed assessment of his leadership, what has changed, what has worked and what lies ahead.
Ojulari did not arrive at a moment of calm. His appointment on April 2, 2025, came against the backdrop of mounting public skepticism and internal contradictions. The state of Nigeria’s refineries, particularly those in Port Harcourt and Warri, had become a lightning rod for debate.
Officially, they had been recommissioned after years of costly rehabilitation. Unofficially, many doubted whether those facilities were genuinely functional.
The gap between declaration and reality had become too wide to ignore, feeding a broader crisis of credibility around the national oil company. It was into this uncertainty that Ojulari stepped, confronted with a choice that often defines leadership: preserve appearances or pursue the truth.
He chose the latter, and in doing so, reset the tone of governance at NNPC. Rather than defend inherited claims, he immersed himself in the mechanics of the system, reviewing technical reports, engaging operational teams, and interrogating data. What followed was a decision as simple as it was profound: shut down the refineries. It was not the kind of move that courts applause in the short term. It disrupted narratives, unsettled expectations, and exposed uncomfortable realities. But it also sent a clear message that the era of managed optics was over. If the refineries were to work, they would work properly; if they were not, they would not be dressed up to appear otherwise. In that moment, Ojulari signaled that under his watch, transparency would not be a slogan but a practice.
That signal quickly found expression in institutional behaviour. One of his earliest moves was to restore the publication of NNPC’s monthly financial and operations reports, a transparency mechanism that had fallen into inconsistency. With their return came a renewed ability for stakeholders to track the company’s performance, production volumes, revenues, operational efficiencies, without relying on speculation. The culture of disclosure deepened further in November 2025, when NNPC Limited held its first-ever earnings call following the release of its audited 2024 financial statements. The announcement of a N5.4 trillion profit after tax captured headlines, but beyond the numbers lay a more consequential shift: the company was beginning to speak the language of accountability expected of global energy players.
Still, leadership is not measured by transparency alone. It must be weighed against clearly defined objectives, and in Ojulari’s case, those objectives were set by Bola Ahmed Tinubu with unmistakable clarity. The mandate was ambitious, raise crude oil production to two million barrels per day by 2027, scale gas output to eight billion cubic feet per day within the same timeframe, expand refining capacity, and attract tens of billions of dollars in fresh investment. It was a tall order by any standard, particularly in a sector long burdened by structural inefficiencies and external pressures.
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One year on, the evidence suggests that while the journey is far from complete, the direction has shifted. In upstream operations, Ojulari has overseen a notable increase in production through NNPC Exploration & Production Ltd. Output climbed from a daily average of 203,000 barrels in 2023 to 312,000 barrels by December 2025, with peaks reaching 355,000 barrels, the highest level recorded in decades. National production has also edged upward, moving from roughly 1.5 million barrels per day to about 1.62 million. To the uninitiated, the increment may appear modest, but within the context of Nigeria’s oil sector, where theft, vandalism, and operational disruptions have long suppressed output, it represents meaningful progress. Each additional barrel reflects not just production capacity but improved system integrity.
If oil production tells a story of recovery, gas tells one of momentum. Developments within the NNPC/Renaissance joint venture have positioned gas as a central pillar of growth, with output already hitting 2.2 billion cubic feet per day. The optimism surrounding this trajectory is not speculative. As Tony Attah of Renaissance Africa Energy Company noted, the venture has surpassed its immediate targets and is already recalibrating towards higher benchmarks. This growth is being reinforced by critical infrastructure projects.
The River Niger crossing of the Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano pipeline has brought long-awaited clarity to a project that had lingered in uncertainty, while the Obiafu-Obrikom-Oben pipeline is nearing completion. Together, they represent more than engineering milestones, they are the arteries through which Nigeria’s gas ambitions can flow into industrial reality.
Yet, it is in refining that Ojulari’s leadership has been most paradoxical. On paper, little progress has been made toward expanding capacity. In practice, however, his decision to shut down the refineries may prove to be one of the most consequential moves of his tenure. By refusing to perpetuate underperformance, he has created space for a more credible and sustainable approach to refining. It is a strategy that sacrifices immediacy for integrity, choosing to rebuild rather than patch.
Investment, meanwhile, has emerged as a strong pillar of his first year. The groundwork laid for the Bonga Southwest Aparo deepwater project stands out as a defining achievement. By securing presidential approval for fiscal incentives, Ojulari has effectively unlocked the pathway for a potential $20 billion investment. In a global energy landscape where capital is increasingly selective, such positioning matters. It signals to investors that Nigeria is willing to align policy with opportunity, reducing uncertainty and enhancing competitiveness.
Internally, the financial pulse of the company has also strengthened. Within a year, NNPC Limited has reportedly remitted N14.706 trillion in statutory contributions to the federal government and related agencies. This figure is not merely a reflection of earnings; it speaks to improved discipline in revenue management and a renewed commitment to fulfilling the company’s fiscal responsibilities.
Early in his tenure, Ojulari acknowledged the weight of expectations placed upon him. The targets, he admitted, were tough. One year later, that admission reads less like caution and more like context. Out of the core mandates before him, he has made substantial progress on most, while deliberately slowing down on refining to reset the foundation. It is a record that suggests not perfection, but purpose.
As he steps into his second year, the questions will grow sharper. Progress must be sustained, gains must be scaled, and early decisions must translate into lasting transformation. But if the first year has established anything, it is that Ojulari is not inclined toward easy narratives. His approach has been to confront reality, however inconvenient, and to build from there.
In that sense, his first year has not merely been about “walking the talk.” It has been about redefining what the talk should be, and backing it with action.
Ben Ekori, an energy sector expert and public affairs analyst wrote this piece from Lagos.
NEWS
Edo Govt To Raise N160bn For Climate Project While Kidnapping Ravages The State… Is That What The People Need?
As kidnapping and violent crime continue to escalate across Edo State, the government has announced plans to raise N160 billion to tackle ecological challenges, raising serious questions about priorities in the state.
The Executive Chairman of the Edo State Ecological Fund and Management Commission, Blessing Agbomhere, revealed during a press briefing on Wednesday that the funds would be raised through the Ecological/Climate Trust.
According to him, the Okpebholo Green Revolution for Edo is scheduled to launch next week.
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Agbomhere stated that Edo’s three-year budget would not be enough to remediate gully erosion sites across the state.
The over 60 gully erosion sites identified would be addressed in phases, with some remediation projects costing between N5 billion and N20 billion each.
The government also plans to plant one million trees in four years.
He further raised concerns over illegal sand mining, particularly in Edo South Senatorial District, revealing that many operators have no plans to restore the land after their operations, which continues to exacerbate erosion problems.
“A lot of companies are operating in Edo State. After their operation, they will leave the state without remediating the environment. We are calling on them to tell us their plans for remediation when they leave,” Agbomhere said.
While ecological initiatives are undeniably important, the timing and focus of the government are being questioned.
Kidnapping and insecurity are surging across the state, yet attention and resources are being directed toward environmental projects instead of immediate security measures.
At a time when fear dominates daily life for Edo citizens, raising millions for ecological projects while kidnappers roam freely sends a troubling message: are citizens’ lives being sidelined in pursuit of long-term environmental goals?
Biz Tellers raises the concern: shouldn’t security take precedence over climate projects when residents’ lives are under threat? The government insists that addressing ecological challenges is crucial for long-term development, but for many, this does not answer the urgent question of public safety.
As Edo faces both ecological and security challenges, the debate over government priorities intensifies.
The pressing question remains: is this really what the people need right now?





